FLOOD • C.F. KLASSEN • EARTHQUAKE * DAVID TOEWS • LIGHTEN AU DEPARTURE EDUARD WUEST • GNADENFELD MERCY • JOHANN CORNIES Events Events In Russian Mennonite History And The People That Made Them Happen Helmut T. Huebert • BERNHARD DUECK • BIBLE CONFERENCE • BENJAMIN UNRUH • BERLIN ESCAPE • JAKOB REIMER • SAENGERFEST • ARON SAWATSKY • THE PURGE * Events reopie Events In Russian Mennonite History And The People That Made Them Happen Helmut T. Huebert SP SPRINGFIELD PUBLISHERS Springfield Publishers Winnipeg, Canada 1999 Published by Springfield Publishers of Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Huebert, Helmut T., 1935- Events and people Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-920643 -06-X 1. Mennonites-Russia-History. 2. Mennonites-Soviet Union-History. I. Title. BX8119.R8H84 1999 289.747 C99-920210-3 Some of the maps were originally drawn by William Schroeder. These are labeled “WS.” Some of the maps were drawn by the author, Helmut T. Huebert, and are labeled “HTH.” All cartography is by Helmut T. Huebert, with the second initials on the maps being “HTH.” Cover design is by Fred Koop EVENTS AND PEOPLE: EVENTS IN RUSSIAN MENNONITE HISTORY AND THE PEOPLE THAT MADE THEM HAPPEN Copyright © 1999 by Springfield Publishers, 6 Litz Place, Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada R2G 0V1, E-mail Huebertz@ escape. ca All rights reserved. With the exception of brief excerpts for review or very limited copying for strictly private use, no part of this book may be reproduced without written permission by the publishers. International Standard Book Number 0-920643-06-X Printed in Canada by Christian Press, Winnipeg, Manitoba PREFACE Events and People is meant to portray history, but with a twist. Many history books present the story of mankind as broad sweeping developments or trends, which the people involved likely never recognized themselves. I would contend that more people would recognize the story more precisely if it were tagged to specific events and people. Mennonite history, because Mennonites are a religious group, of course almost by definition, involves theological issues and struggles at its core. Not being a professional historian, but all my life having been a human being, I often wondered what the actual day to day life of the ordinary people was really like. My feeling is that often they were concerned less with what happened at important meetings of church leaders and theologians and more with the Czars that visited their colonies, the floods that destroyed their houses, and the epidemics that killed their children. We do actually have valuable precedent in presenting history and great truths by this method in the Bible. The reign of King David is vivid in our minds because of his dramatic encounter with Goliath and the accounts of his personal story. Elijah is remembered as a great prophet in part because of his confrontation with the priests of Baal on Mount Carmel, and the other personal aspects of his life which are recounted. Even the message of Jesus Christ is most often rendered through detailing of events and personal encounters. My specific interest in “events” was piqued by reading the account of the dedication of the Mennonite Brethren church building in Lugovsk, Neu Samara Colony, an event which occurred in 1901. First of all the scale: there were three thousand [3,000] guests. That is a lot of people, in a little out of the way Mennonite colony somewhere on the broad steppes of Russia! The visiting choir from the Ufa Colony concluded the celebrations by singing the Hallelujah Chorus from Messiah by Handel. How would the Hallelujah Chorus have reached these same broad steppes of Russia? Specific interests such as these underlie many of the events in which Mennonites in Russia were involved. Added to this is my historical theory that trends do not just occur out of the blue: people make things happen. So a logical extension to studying specific events is to look into the lives of the people who made them happen. I have therefore included many mini-biographies as part of the historical survey. In this review of events there are obvious limitations. No attempt has been made to fashion a comprehensive history book. To be included there had to be a reasonably well defined “event.” It needed to be documented with fairly precise detail. Because of this limitation more events have been included during times when newspaper reporting was available. Friedensstimme, Zionsbote, and Mennonitische Rundschau have been particularly helpful. Even so there are peculiar gaps in the stories. In the report of the Saengerfest held in 1894, a report written by a musician, the texts of the interspersed sermons are listed, but not one word about which songs were sung! While to my mind this is regrettable, it is still an intriguing historical comment on values as thought of at that time. The Bible Conference held in Halbstadt in 1 909 was well advertised, but there was no official report of proceedings in Friedensstimme, even though the planners of the event had ready access to the publication, one being a part owner of the publishing house, another even being an editor! The events in this book are listed chronologically, not by subject matter. It is hoped that the accurate and detailed index can help those seeking specific information. All sources of information are listed at the end of each article, but since this is not intended to be a scientific dissertation, specific footnote numbers have not been used. Readers may be intrigued by the variation in size of print. The major “Event” article is in 12-point, subsequent “Background Information”, including the biographies is in 1 1 -point. Those who wish to read the source material, and presumably have excellent vision, will find this listed in space saving 10-point type size. The index, to further save space, is in 9-point type. All biblical references used are from the New International Version, 1978. In most instances this appeared to accurately reflect the meaning of the text which was used for German sermons. There was one notable exception, used at the dedication of the Lugovsk church, where the German translations suit the theme of the sermon, but the English versions do not. There is some repetition because an attempt has been made to make each story and each biography a complete unit. The specific event may therefore mention an occurrence which will also be included in the biography of the people concerned. It will also be noted that very seldom is there more than one article on the page; this is to help those who may wish to duplicate certain articles or biographies without including extraneous material. The computer is a wonderful, but sometimes most exasperating instrument. It scans some things wonderfully well, but other things suffer. As a whole the photographs have turned out reasonably well, although there is some loss of quality both in the scanning, and then the printing. With a number of pictures, for example that of Aron Sawatzky and Walter Jack, the originals are already very poor. In reviewing the pages at this point I would much prefer to have used two columns per page, but am not smart enough, certainly not knowledgeable enough in Word Perfect Eight to convert without jeopardizing the whole manuscript. I would like to thank those who have freely given of their time and effort to make this book possible. Dr. Abe Dueck, Director, and Alfred Redekop, Archivist, at the Centre for Mennonite Brethren Studies in Winnipeg, have with enthusiasm answered innumerable telephone calls and looked up many references. Ken Reddig, Archivist, and Lawrence Klippenstein, now retired, but still active, have been helpful at the Heritage Centre in Winnipeg. Even retired friends such as Dr. Harry Loewen and Dr. Victor Doerksen, although banished to British Columbia, have patiently made suggestions for improvements. It must be said, however, that this was not a book written by a committee. Opinions expressed are those of the author, not necessarily in agreement with expert advice. It is hoped that Events and People : Events in Russian Mennonite History and the People that Made Them Happen will help some people to better understand their heritage, and that it will give this understanding human faces. Helmut T. Huebert Winnipeg, Canada October 31, 1999 IV TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface . iii Table of Contents . v List of Biographies . viii List of Maps . ix Commonly Used Sources . x Glossary and Abbreviations . xi The Old Oak Tree . xiii Map: Mennonite Colonies in Ukraine and Russia . xv Map: Mennonite Colonies in South Russia . xvii 1. The Trip of Hoeppner and Bartsch [1786 - 1788] . 1 Map: Trip of Hoeppner and Bartsch . 6 Jakob Hoeppner . 7 Johann Bartsch . 9 2. The Kleine Gemeinde and Klaas Reimer [1812] . 10 3. Visit of Czar Alexander I to the Molotschna [1818] . 14 Map : Route taken by the Czar Alexander 1 . 18 Czars of Russia during the Mennonite Period . 19 4. Meteorite in 1832 . 20 5. Crop Failure in 1833 . 21 6. Earthquake in 1838 . 24 7. The Death and Funeral of Johann Cornies [March, 1848] . 25 Johann Comies . 27 8. 130 Horses [August, 1848] . 30 9. Birth of the Mennonite Brethren Church[1860] . 32 Pfarrer Eduard Wuest . 37 Elder August Lenzmann . 40 Johann Claassen . 42 Jakob David Reimer . 45 10. Inter-Mennonite Faith Conference in Rueckenau[1875] . 49 Bernhard Harder . 50 11. Parting of Ways [1879] . 53 Elder Abraham Schellenberg . 56 12. Journey to Central Asia [1880 - 1882] . 59 Map: Claas Epp Journey to Central Asia [Map 1] . 62 Map: Claas Epp Journey to Central Asia [Map 2] . 63 13. Epidemic in South Russia [1888 - 1889] . 64 Worldwide Epidemics . 65 v Diphtheria . 65 Scarlet Fever . 67 14. Saengerfest in Rueckenau [May, 1894] . 68 Friedrich Schweiger . 71 Aron Gerhard Sawatzky . 73 15. Choral Conductors’ Workshop in Friedensfeld [December, 1894] . 77 Bernhard B . Dueck . 81 Johann J. Loewen . 84 The Friedensfeld Mennonite Brethren Church . 87 16. Dedication Service at the Lugovsk Mennonite Brethren Church [1901] . 92 An Architect’s Appraisal - Rudy P. Friesen . 95 Neu Samara Colony . 97 Map: Neu Samara Colony . 98 Elder David Gerhard Duerksen . 99 Elder David Schellenberg . 101 Elder Komelius A. Fehr . 103 Komelius Gerhard Neufeld . 104 Liederperlen and the Hallelujah Chorus . 106 17. Fires in 1904 . 107 Map: Western Molotschna Colony and Halbstadt . 109 Weather in the Molotschna Colony . 110 Fire Insurance . 110 18. Exposition in Halbstadt [August 14 - 16, 1909] . Ill Advertising in Friedensstimme . 1 13 Johann Heinrich Janzen . 114 19. Bible Conference in Halbstadt [August 20 - 23, 1909] . 117 Heinrich Jakob Braun . 1 19 Heinrich Heinrich Unruh . 122 Jakob Johann Kroeker . 125 Harry Percy Grubb . 128 Adam K. Podin . 129 Johann Huebert . 131 20. Dedication of the Deaconess Home Morija [1910] . 132 Dr. Erich A. Tavonius . 137 Walter L. Jack . 141 21. The Flood of 1912 . 144 Map: Northwestern Molotschna Colony . 147 22. Dedication of Reservists [1914] . 148 Elder Heinrich Peter Unruh . 150 23. Gnadenfeld Mercy [March, 1919] . 152 vi Chronology of Events [February 1917 to March 1919] . 152 Gnadenfeld Mercy . 1 54 Komelius Martens . 155 24. Massacre in Muensterberg [November - December, 1919] . 158 Map: Sagradovka Colony . 161 Nestor Ivanovich Makhno . 1 62 25. Molotschna Battle [June, 1920] . 163 Map: Molotschna Colony June 20, 1 920 . 1 66 26. Lichtenau Departure [1924] . 167 Behind the Scenes . 172 Map: The First Molotschna Group Travel in the USSR . 173 Map: The First Molotschna Group Travel by Sea . 174 Benjamin B. Janz . 175 David Toews . 180 Emigration of the Mennonites from the Soviet Union . 1 83 Trachoma . 184 Canadian Pacific Ships . 1 85 27. Murder at Midnight [1926] . 186 28. At the Gates of Moscow [1929] . 192 Benjamin H. Unruh . 197 29. Amur Crossing . 201 Map: Amur Mennonite Colonies including Escape Route . 208 Map: Escape over the Amur to Harbin . 209 30. The Purge [1936 - 1938] . 210 Joseph Vissarionovich Djugashvili . 212 Nikolai Loewen . 2 1 3 Franz Teichrieb . 2 1 4 Nikolai Huebert . 2 1 6 Map: Dnepropetrovsk Oblast . 217 Map: Central Crimea . 217 Map: USSR . 217 31. Stulnevo [1941] . 218 Map: Northeastern Molotschna . 22 1 32. The Great Trek [1943 - 1945] . 222 Map: The Great Trek 1943-1945 . 227 33. The Berlin Escape [1947] . 228 Cornelius F. Klassen . 237 “ Nun Danket Alle Gott” . 242 The Red Gate . 243 Index . 245 vii LIST OF BIOGRAPHIES Jakob Hoeppner . 7 Johann Bartsch . 9 Johann Comies . 27 Pfarrer Eduard Wuest . 37 Elder August Lenzmann . 40 Johann Claassen . 42 Jakob David Reimer . 45 Bernhard Harder . 50 Elder Abraham Schellenberg . 56 Friedrich Schweiger . 7 1 Aron Gerhard Sawatzky . 73 Bernhard B. Dueck . 81 Johann J. Loewen . 84 Elder David Gerhard Duerksen . 99 Elder David Schellenberg . 101 Elder Komelius A. Fehr . 103 Komelius Gerhard Neufeld . 1 04 Johann Heinrich Janzen . 114 Heinrich Jakob Braun . 119 Heinrich Heinrich Unruh . 122 Jakob Johann Kroeker . 125 Harry Percy Grubb . 128 Adam K. Podin . 129 Johann Huebert . 1 3 1 Dr. Erich A . T avonius . 137 Walter L. Jack . 141 Elder Heinrich Peter Unruh . 150 Komelius Martens . 155 Nestor Ivanovich Makhno . 162 Benjamin B. Janz . 175 David Toews . 180 Benjamin H. Unruh . 1 97 Cornelius F. Klassen . 237 LIST OF MAPS Mennonite Colonies in Ukraine and Russia . xv Mennonite Colonies in South Russia . xvii Land chosen by Hoeppner and Bartsch . 2 Trip of Hoeppner and Bartsch . 6 Route taken by the Czar Alexander 1 . 18 Claas Epp Journey to Central Asia [Map 1] . 62 Claas Epp Journey to Central Asia [Map 2] . 63 Neu Samara Colony . 97 Western Molotschna Colony and Halbstadt [Fires] . 109 Northwestern Molotschna Colony [Flood] . 147 Sagradovka Colony . 161 Molotschna Colony June 20, 1920 [Battle] . 166 The First Molotschna Group Travel in the USSR . 173 The First Molotschna Group Travel by Sea . 174 Amur Mennonite Colonies including Escape Route . 208 Escape over the Amur to Harbin . 209 Dnepropetrovsk Oblast . 217 Central Crimea . 217 USSR . 217 Northeastern Molotschna [Stulnevo] . 221 The Great Trek 1943-1945 . 227 ix COMMONLY USED SOURCES Friesen, P. M., Die Alt-Evangelische Mennonitische Bruederschaft in Russland [ 1789-1910 ], im Rahmen der mennonitischen Gesamtgeschichte, Raduga, Halbstadt, Taurien, Russia, 1911 Referred to as: Friesen, P. M. All references are from the original German printing. All passages in English have been translated by the author Mennonite Encyclopedia If a reference has been used from Volumes I - IV, no specific volume or page number is given. For Volume V specific pages are listed Schroeder, William, and Huebert, Helmut T., Mennonite Historical Atlas, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1996 Referred to as: Mennonite Historical Atlas All references, unless otherwise stated, are from the second edition Toews, J. A., A History of the Mennonite Brethren Church, Board of Christian Literature, General Conference of Mennonite Brethren Churches, Fresno, USA, 1975 Referred to as: Toews, J. A. All references are from the first edition, printed in 1975 Genealogical Registry and Data Base of Mennonite Ancestry, produced by the California Mennonite Historical Society of Fresno, USA, has been used frequently in establishing family trees in this book. Research done by the author has also on occasion contributed to this data base. x GLOSSARY Bruderschule - Brotherhood School Dorfschule - village primary school, usually six years, with children beginning at the age of six or seven Fuersorgekomitee - Russian government agency supervising foreign colonists in South Russia, first based in Kherson, then Ekaterinoslav, thereafter in Odessa until it was abolished in 1871 Gebietsamt - civic office or administration of a Mennonite colony Gymnasium - German equivalent of high school Kirchliche - a Russian Mennonite denominational designation, meaning the traditional Mennonite Church, later roughly the equivalent of the General Conference Mennonite Church Oberschulze - chief administrator of a Mennonite colony Reiseschuld - travel debt, usually referring to the debt owed the Canadian Pacific Railway by the 1923-1930 immigrants Scheune - machine shed, usually behind the bam in the typical farm, often quite large and used for public gatherings, such as church services, weddings or funerals Wirtschaft - a typical Mennonite farm, consisting of a house, with attached bam and machine shed, often a summer kitchen, an extensive garden, a small forest, and about 65 dessiatines of land. Also called Vollwirtschaft Halbwirtschaft - half a farm, a farmyard with 32 dessiatines of land Kleinwirtschaft - a small farm, a farmyard, sometimes with up to 16 dessiatines of land, sometimes without land Zentralschule - school above the level of the village elementary school, best translated as high school. “Central” school would be the direct translation, but conveys none of the actual meaning of the term ABBREVIATIONS AMLV - Allrussischer Mennonitischer Landwirtschaftlicher Verein [All-Russian Mennonite Agricultural Union] GPU - initials of the Russian name of the secret police after 1922. Name changed to NKVD in 1934 MCC - Mennonite Central Committee, the relief agency based principally in North America which has provided relief and help to Mennonites and others since the early 1920s UNRAA - United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration VBHH - Verband der Buerger Hollaendischer Herkunft [Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage] xi xii “The Old Oak,” five hundred years old when the first Chortitza settlers camped under its branches in 1789 xiii xiv XV Mennonite Colonies in Ukraine and Russia [Not all of the smaller colonies shown] xvi BORJSSOVO^^ Konstantinovka Mennonite Colonies in South Russia xvm 1. THE TRIP OF HOEPPNER AND BARTSCH OCTOBER, 1786 TO NOVEMBER, 1787 With more stringent restrictions in the Vistula Delta, particularly regarding the increase of land holdings, the Mennonites started to look elsewhere for expansion. Czarina Catherine II of Russia, in the meantime, had published a manifesto in 1 763 inviting foreign colonists to help settle newly acquired lands in southern Russia. Catherine dispatched a special envoy, Georg von Trappe, to visit the Mennonites in the Danzig area in the summer of 1786. He challenged them to make Russia their new homeland. * * * August 7, 1786 [Gregorian] An invitation to settle in Russia was read in the two Mennonite churches in Danzig Elder Peter Epp of Danzig became an enthusiastic supporter of migration August, 1786 On a Monday towards the end of August, Georg von Trappe, Russian immigration agent sent by Czarina Catherine II, stopped for lunch at an inn at Bohnsack. He was greatly impressed by his host, Jakob Hoeppner August, 1786 There was widespread interest in migration to Russia, to the extent that the mayor of Danzig opposed some of the actions of von Trappe September 14, 1786 Under the supervision of Elder Epp three delegates were elected to visit Russia, for the purpose of finding an appropriate site for settlement, and arranging suitable conditions. Jakob Hoeppner, Jakob von Kampen and Johann Bartsch were chosen September 22, 1786 Georg von Trappe signed a contract and wrote a covering letter for the delegates. All expenses were to be covered. Von Kampen had decided not to go because his parents did not wish it October 31, 1786 Hoeppner and Bartsch boarded a ship in Danzig and sailed for Riga October 27, [Julian] 1786 Arrived safely in Riga after an eight day voyage. They had encountered some stormy weather 1 November 17, 1786 Departed by sleigh from Riga to Dubrovno November 29, 1786 Arrived in Dubrovno. Received cordially by Baron von Stahl December, 1786 Departed by sleigh for Kremenchug Via Kremenchug further south on to Kherson Prince Grigory Potemkin, then governor general of New Russia, appointed Major Meier to assist the delegates As soon as weather permitted, despite encouragement to rest during the winter, they used Kherson as a base to inspect the southern part of Potemkin’s domain After several months work they selected a site south of Berislav, on the lower Dniepr River. This area had good soil, excellent pasture and water supply, and access to nearby markets Land chosen by Hoeppner and Bartsch, south of the Dniepr River opposite Berislav April 22, 1787 Hoeppner and Bartsch submitted a special petition to Grigory Potemkin in Kremenchug. Mennonites wanted recognition of their religious freedom, no military service or quartering of troops. Each family was to receive 65 dessiatines of arable land. They were to have some wood, hay and fishing rights in the area selected. The land was to be properly surveyed, and there was to 2 be guaranteed government protection for the area. Initial start-up funds were required, as well as a ten year exemption from taxes Potemkin did not have time for the delegates, being busy with a trip Czarina Catherine had planned for the Crimea May 1, 1787 Catherine and her entourage departed from St. Petersburg January 7, travelling over the snow on 200 gilded coaches mounted on runners. This tour celebrated her quarter of a century on the Russian throne, but also set the seal of sovereignty on Russia’s latest southern conquests. May 1 Catherine departed from Kiev on a flotilla of thirty barges May 13, 1787 Hoeppner and Bartsch were presented to Catherine when she arrived in Kremenchug. They respectfully kissed her hand and made a brief presentation. She verbally assured them of her support for their plans. She invited them to go with her to the Crimea. They accepted the offer They stayed one night on Potemkin’s estate at the site of the future Chortitza-Rosenthal May 29, 1787 Departed from Kherson for a rapid tour of the Crimea, designed to impress Joseph II of Austria, who was also a travelling guest May 31, 1787 The caravan arrived in Bachtchi-Sarai Catherine’s coach went out of control as it descended into a ravine They went as far as Sevastopol and Feodosiya June 16, 1787 The caravan returned to Kremenchug Hoeppner and Bartsch released to pursue their own projects June 17, 1787 Hoeppner and Bartsch wrote a letter to Potemkin requesting a response to the petition of April 22 June 18, 1787 Catherine departed from Kremenchug, reaching Moscow July 4 July 5, 1787 Potemkin gave approval to the petition presented by Hoeppner and Bartsch. The Mennonite delegates also wanted the approval of the Czarina and proceeded to St. Petersburg 3 July 22, 1787 Catherine back in St. Petersburg, having been away for over six months August 2, 1787 Hoeppner and Bartsch arrived in St. Petersburg. Shortly before arrival their carriage tipped, and Hoeppner injured his leg. He was given prompt medical attention. It took several weeks until he could be up well enough to appear in court. Protocol was on his side since it demanded that people wear socks or shoes while being presented to the Czarina. Hoeppner’ s leg was so swollen that he could not get on his boot in any case! August 27, 1787 While waiting for Catherine, von Trappe introduced the delegates to Paul and Maria Feodorovna. They kissed Maria’s hand and Paul kissed them on both cheeks, Russian style. The deputies gave the royal couple a gold embroidered copy of a Mennonite Confession of Faith. Paul later, as Czar, gave the Mennonites additional privileges in the Privilegium of 1 800 September 7, 1787 Hoeppner and Bartsch had an audience with Czarina Catherine II. She agreed to the terms proposed by the Mennonite delegates. The decree was drawn up and signed by the Russian chancellor, Count Alexander Bezborodko. The decree was then made public Hoeppner and Bartsch headed for home, accompanied by von Trappe. October 7 were in Riga November 10, 1787 [Gregorian] Hoeppner, Bartsch and von Trappe arrived back in Danzig. The trip had taken one year and eleven days. They were greeted with enthusiasm. A group of five families had departed for Russia even before the delegates returned home December 29, 1787 Georg von Trappe distributed printed invitations among the Mennonites in Danzig, inviting them to Russia January 13, 1788 Von Trappe hired two men to distribute pamphlets in Danzig after the morning church service. The pamphlet briefly described the visit of the delegates to Russia and the special agreement which had been reached. Those interested in emigration were to attend a meeting at the Russian Embassy 4 February 23, 1788 Four families left Danzig for Russia March 23, 1788 At 9 AM, Easter Sunday morning, after a short farewell service in front of the church in Bohnsack, seven families led by Hoeppner started on the long journey to South Russia. Hoeppner eventually settled on Chortitza Island. The Bartsch family was also in the first wave, settling in Rosenthal Sources: Alexander, John T., Catherine the Great; Life and Legend, Oxford University Press, New York, USA, and Oxford, UK, 1989, pp 256-270 Epp, D. H., Die Chortitzer Mennoniten, Originally published by the author, Odessa, 1889, Republished by Die Mennonitische Post and Delbert F. Plett, Steinbach, Canada, 1984, pp 4-36 Hildebrand, J. J., Hildebrand's Zeittafel, Winnipeg, Canada, 1945, pp 146-149 Hildebrand, Peter, Erste Auswanderung der Mennoniten aus dem Danziger Gebiet nach Suedrussland, Published in Zwei Dokumente, Edited by Victor Peters, Echo Verlag, 1965, pp 11-46 Klippenstein, Lawrence, The Russian Mennonite Bicentennial : Some Pertinent Dates, Mennonite Historian, March 1987, p 3; June 1987, p 7; September 1987, p 7 Mennonite Historical Atlas, First Edition pp 14, 90; Second Edition p 1 16 Mennonite Encyclopedia Schroeder, William, From the Vistula to Chortitza: A Chronology, Unpublished document; This is the main framework used for the chronology presented here It should be noted that not all the dates and numbers in the various accounts agree exactly. The specific dates mentioned for the Crimean trip of the Czarina, for example, vary. The exact number of families leaving Danzig for Russia and the dates they left are not the same in different accounts. The name of Catherine’s special envoy to the Mennonites is not certain. Traditionally he has been called Georg von Trappe; it is now thought that the “von” might be superfluous. Background Information: Map: Trip of Hoeppner and Bartsch Jakob Hoeppner Johann Bartsch 5 Helsinki Trip of Hoeppner and Bartsch, Oc 6 JAKOB HOEPPNER [1748 - 1826] Mennonite Delegate sent to Investigate Russian Emigration Jakob Hoeppner was bom January 3, 1748, the son of Jakob and Christina [Bentz] Hoeppner. He married Sara Dyck, and the couple eventually had seven children, of whom four were bom in Prussia, three in Russia. The Hoeppners lived in Bohnsack, Vistula Delta, where they rented a store, cafe and inn. They supplemented their meagre income by collecting amber and fishing on the shore of the Baltic Sea. They were members of the Flemish Mennonite Church. Having impressed Georg von Trappe with his service at the inn in Bohnsack, von Trappe suggested him as a delegate when the time came to choose representatives among the Mennonites of Prussia to investigate emigration to Russia. Under the supervision of Elder Peter Epp of Danzig, Jakob Hoeppner, Johann Bartsch and Jakob von Kampen were elected. Von Kampen withdrew from the trip, but Hoeppner and Bartsch spent an arduous year inspecting various sites and negotiating with Grigory Potemkin and other officials. They eventually chose an area near Berislav, and carefully outlined the rights and privileges Mennonites would require to consider emigration. Nearing St. Petersburg on the way to meet the Czarina Catherine H, the carriage carrying the delegates overturned, and Hoeppner hurt his leg. Historians say the leg was broken, but the quick recovery makes this highly unlikely; Xrays had not yet been discovered, so the diagnosis was strictly clinical [on the basis of physical examination]. Even so, in pain and despite considerable swelling, he carried on his duties. A satisfactory agreement was verbally agreed to by Catherine, and signed by the Russian chancellor, Count Alexander Bezborodko. Both delegates then returned home, where they were received with great enthusiasm in November of 1787. The first trickle of Mennonite families left for Russia in late 1787, but then the trickle became a torrent. Easter Sunday, March 23, after a short early morning farewell service in front of the Bohnsack church, seven families led by Hoeppner embarked on the long journey. After five weeks of plodding along muddy roads and camping, they reached Riga. By the autumn of 1788 a total of 228 families arrived in Dubrovno, where they spent the winter. With spring the journey continued southward. At Kremenchug Potemkin informed Hoeppner that the Mennonites would not be able to occupy the land previously chosen near Berislav. It was too dangerous, new hostilities having again broken out with the Ottoman Empire. They would have to settle in the Chortitza River area, on land which just happened to be owned by Potemkin himself! This land was much dryer, not as fertile, and not as near to market centres. A daughter, Maria, was bom to the Hoeppners in Kremenchug. The unhappy settlers arrived at Chortitza in July, 1789. They first camped around a large oak tree near the Dniepr River, spent the winter in Alexandrovsk, then gradually moved out to set up villages. The Hoeppner family settled on Chortitza Island. When the Mennonites first settled many followed the pattern they had used in Prussia, on individual farmsteads. One day the Hoeppner household was robbed and the family tied up. Hoeppner and two companions had been away on business, and arrived home that evening. He and one of his companions were attacked and beaten, the other managed to run for help. When the bandits heard the approaching help they gathered up the most valuable things and fled. The bandits, who turned out to be merchants from the nearby town of Alexandrovsk, were later apprehended and brought to justice. This episode showed the value of living in more compact villages, and led the colonists to ask the government to provide better protection. The government 7 assigned a group of Cossacks to provide this “protection.'’ On one occasion the Cossack officer and some of his men came to visit the Hoeppner home. While he and Hoeppner were visiting in the living room the other Cossacks were stealing from the rest of the house. Confronted with this fact the officer laughed and did nothing. Hoeppner suddenly took the officer’s sabre, locked it up in a chest, and threatened to report him. Only when additional people arrived, and one of the Cossacks was knocked of his horse with a plank, did they relent. The officer apologized, he promised the return of the stolen articles, and he received his sabre back. Resentment of the settlers on being refused their originally chosen site, and for the unfulfilled government financial aid, was heaped upon Hoeppner and Bartsch. They were accused of negotiating in bad faith, and of embezzling funds. Hoeppner was expelled from the Flemish congregation. Even worse, he was imprisoned in Ekaterinoslav and was to be deported to Siberia. When Czar Paul I died in 1801, and was succeeded by Alexander I, Hoeppner was released in the general amnesty after having been in prison for one year. Unfortunately his property had been sold in the meantime, and was not returned to him. Hoeppner was eventually received into the Frisian Church in Kronsweide, where he quietly spent the last years of his life. He died March 4, 1 826, and was buried on Chortitza Island. His wife Sara had predeceased him by a few days, having died on February 27, 1826. The vindictiveness with which Hoeppner was treated, and the mean-spirited way in which he was dealt with even after his release from prison are sad reflections of the spiritual state of much of the Mennonite church at that time. Very much later the Mennonite community reconsidered the role of these first two adventuresome delegates. In 1890, as part of the centennial celebrations of the Chortitza Colony, a beautiful monument was erected in his honour on the Island of Chortitza. This marble obelisk has now been moved to the grounds of the Mennonite Heritage Village, in Steinbach, Canada. Sources: Friesen, P. M., pp 72, 73, 95, 96, 97 Hildebrand, J. J., Hildebrand’s Zeittafel, Winnipeg, Canada, 1945, pp 147-149 Loewen, Harry, No Permanent City, Chapter 24, In the Face of Death, Herald Press, Waterloo, Canada, Scottdale, USA, 1993, pp 116-118 Mennonite Encyclopedia Schroeder, William, From the Vistula to Chortitza: A Chronology, Unpublished document 8 JOHANN BARTSCH [1757- 1821] Mennonite Delegate sent to Investigate Russian Emigration Johann Bartsch was bom in Prussia on September 6, 1757, the second child of Jakob and Christina [Philipsen] Bartsch. He married Susanna Laemmert in 1779; the couple had three children. They lived in Nobel, near Danzig, and were members of the Frisian Mennonite Church. Along with Jakob Hoeppner and Jakob von Kampen, Johann Bartsch was chosen as one of three delegates to represent the Prussian Mennonites on a trip to investigate the possibility of migration to Russia. Jakob von Kampen did not go, but Hoeppner and Bartsch spent an arduous year, beginning in October of 1 786, inspecting various possible sites and negotiating with officials. Bartsch must have had a flare for writing, or he missed his wife and family very much, since at least four of his letters home are mentioned in a chronology of the trip. Hoeppner is not mentioned as writing at all. After having selected a possible site for settlement, Bartsch and Hoeppner travelled to St. Petersburg, where a satisfactory agreement was verbally agreed to by Czarina Catherine II, and signed by the Russian chancellor, Count Alexander Bezborodko. Both delegates then returned home, where they were received with great enthusiasm in November of 1787. The first trickle of Mennonite families left for South Russia in late 1787, but then increasing numbers followed. Hoeppner left Bohnsack on March 23,1788. The Bartsch family also emigrated with the first wave, settling in Rosenthal. Soon after arrival wife Susanna died, on November 15, 1790. Johann Bartsch remarried, in 1791, to Magdalena Laemmert. The couple had a total of nine children, of which two died in infancy. Son Jakob served as Oberschulze[ reeve] of Chortitza Colony from 1832 to 1838, and again from 1841 to 1852. Bartsch was not spared the recriminations which were levelled at Hoeppner. Anger and the frustrations of disappointment were heaped on the two delegates. The land assessed by the delegates and promised by the Russian government was now declared to be in a war zone due to recently resumed hostilities with the Ottoman Empire, and therefore was not available for settlement. The region where the Mennonites were forced to settle was much inferior to the original region selected. The delegates were accused of negotiating in bad faith. The Russian government defaulted on promised funds; the delegates were accused of embezzling this non- existant money. Johann Bartsch was excommunicated by his church, but was later reinstated at his own request. He died on December 16, 1821. Much later the Mennonite community reconsidered the role of the first two delegates. In 1890, as part of centennial celebrations, a beautiful monument in his honour was erected. This marble obelisk first stood in the cemetery at Rosenthal, but now has been moved and stands on the grounds of the Mennonite Heritage Village , in Steinbach, Canada. Sources: Friesen, P. M., pp 72, 96 Hildebrand, J. J., Hildebrand's Zeittafel, Winnipeg, Canada, 1945, pp 147-149 Klippenstein, Lawrence, Johann Bartsch [1757-1821], Modem Encyclopedia of Religions in Russia and the Soviet Union , Editor in Chief, Paul D. Steeves, Academic International Press, Gulf Breeze, Florida, USA, Volume III, April 1991, pp 221-224 Mennonite Encyclopedia Schroeder, William, From the Vistula to Chortitza: A Chronology, unpublished document 9 2. THE KLEIN K GEMEINDE AND KLAAS REIMER The story of the beginning of the Kleine Gemeinde and the life of Klaas Reimer are so inexorably intertwined that no attempt will be made to present them separately. There is little doubt that the initial developments were not a general groundswell, but rather the result of the vision of one man, Klaas Reimer. Klaas Reimer was bom October 16, 1770, in Petershagen, a village about 40 kilometres east of the city of Danzig. His parents were Heinrich and Agatha [Epp] Reimer. In his autobiography he admits to no formal education, although he obviously could read well, and had enough facility with languages to translate Anabaptist documents from Dutch to German. In his youth he worked on road gangs and as an apprentice carpenter. He came under the influence of pleasure seeking fellow-workers, commenting “...only perishable vanity was evident...” At the age of 20 Klaas was baptized and accepted into the Danzig church, although he still admitted to some personal lack of proper behaviour and commitment. In 1792 he moved to Neunhuben, a village just east of Danzig, where he joined the quite conservative rural Werder Church. In 1798, at the age of 28, Klaas married Maria Epp, who was ten years his senior. She was the daughter of Elder Peter Epp of Danzig, who had died in 1 789, and the niece of Komelius Epp, assistant elder of the rural church Klaas had joined. The couple was able to buy half of Komelius Epp’s farm, and for the next years did quite well financially. Only one child was bom to the couple, Aganetha. She was bom in 1801, and unfortunately died in Russia, some time after 1808. On November 6, 1 806, Maria died at the age of 46. Klaas was married again soon after, January 9, 1 807, to Helena van Riesen, who was 1 7 years his junior. The home seems to have been peaceful and harmonious. From 1 808 to 1 829 the couple had a total of ten children, four of whom died in infancy or early childhood. Surviving to adulthood were Abram [who died in Blumenort, Manitoba in 1 892], Klaas, Helena, Margaretha, Heinrich and Peter. Son Klaas actually got his father into a bit of trouble by inventing a pedal powered wagon. The brotherhood felt that the family of the elder could spend its time more profitably. Reimer himself confessed that he himself was “too interested in such matters.” Klaas was, somewhat to his surprise, elected minister of his congregation on September 1, 1801. Once elected he took his position seriously, and early showed dedication, independence and firmness of character. He read extensively - the Bible, Martyr’s Mirror, the writings of Menno Simons, Dirk Phillips, Peter Peters and other Anabaptists. His interpretation of Scripture and the teachings of the Anabaptist forefathers helped shape his vision of the church. While he read sermons from the pulpit, he actually wrote them himself. From his new perspective he was distressed by the immorality and lack of church discipline he observed in his own congregation. On August 23, 1804, having had enough of the “sinful Babylon” in the Vistula Delta, he led a group of 30 followers from the Werder Church to settle in Russia. He took 10 with him the vision of a new start, of a pure church. At first the group settled in the Chortitza Colony, where Klaas became acquainted with the like-minded Cornelius Janzen, who was elected minister in Chortitza in 1 805 . Then in the spring of 1 805 the group moved to Petershagen, a new Flemish village being established in the Molotschna. Klaas Reimer was to discover that the imperfect world he had thought to leave behind in Prussia followed him to Russia. He was soon at loggerheads with the newly elected Elder Jakob Enns of the Molotschna congregation. One of the basic conflicts was over who had final authority in the community, the church or civil leaders. Elder Enns routinely allowed miscreants to be given corporal punishment at the civic offices [Gebietsaml]. Reimer felt that imposing the ban was the only punishment consistent with Anabaptist tenets of faith. The situation was not made easier by the quick tempered, often irascible and high handed Elder Enns. Reimer’ s hopes for reform of the church from within were dashed. The matter finally came to a head in 1 8 1 2 when Reimer and his small group of followers began to hold their own meetings in private homes. Elder Enns promptly banned the reformers from the mother church, but also continued to harass them. Reimer was convinced that he was acting on spiritual grounds, and that to give in at this point would be hypocritical. Enns in the meantime threatened dire consequences, including exile to Siberia. The small group had two ministers, Klaas Reimer, and Cornelius Janzen, who had followed Reimer from the Chortitza Colony. In 1 814, under the supervision of the Frisian Elder Heinrich Janzen of the Schoenwiese church of Chortitza, Klaas Reimer was chosen as elder by lot. Heinrich Janzen, however, hesitated to formally ordain him. Reimer, nonetheless, assumed the functions of elder. In 1816 Cornelius Janzen, his co-minister, preached an installation sermon, so the group of 1 8-20 members considered itself to be organized as a church. Elder Enns died the following year, and was replaced by Jacob Fast of Halbstadt. Fast was “friendly and accommodating,” but by welcoming new religious teachings emanating from Prussia, especially pietistic tendencies, Reimer considered him to be an even greater threat to the teachings of the new church than Enns had been. Klaas Reimer had very strong ideas of nonconformity, humility and church discipline. The group was very diligent in reading the Bible and other Anabaptist writings. They practiced foot washing, strict discipline and honesty, condemning card playing, smoking, drinking, higher education, musical instruments, mission work and marrying one’s sister-in-law. Reimer also strenuously opposed support of the Russian war effort against Napoleon, likely as part of the total non-resistant lifestyle. Any worldly act was punished by excommunication, then shunning. With this very narrow and essentially joyless interpretation of the Christian life the movement remained small for almost a century, being called the “ Kleine Gemeinde ” [Small Church], as opposed to the “ Grosse Gemeinde ” [Large Church], which constituted the rest of the Molotschna population. The principal base of support for the Kleine Gemeinde was in Petershagen and Muensterberg, with some members in Blumstein, Lindenau and Fischau, all in the Molotschna Colony. Cornelius Janzen left the Kleine Gemeinde in 1 822, taking a segment of the church with him, back to the Grosse Gemeinde. “This secession almost finished us,” concluded 11 Klaas Reimer. Later, however, three other ministers joined the church, Heinrich Wiebe in 1830, Heinrich Balzer in 1834 and Peter Penner in 1835. Even more dangerous was the “false humility” movement of 1828-29, which threatened the leadership of Klaas Reimer and almost destroyed the Kleine Gemeinde . This faction morbidly dwelt on guilt and fear, and tried to follow a daily routine of extreme asceticism and self-inflicted punishment. Reimer himself was subjected to “scorn and mocking” by this group. He finally delivered a powerful admonitory sennon against this fanaticism, only to have much of the congregation walk out of the meeting in disapproval. At a special meeting his leadership was challenged, and he barely survived a vote of confidence. After this Reimer gradually regained control of the Gemeinde, and the false humility movement faded from the scene. A number of sermons he preached after this episode demonstrated his positive approach to this most trying time. “A Sermon on Love and Brotherhood,” preached in 1 832, showed his deeply felt message of “following Christ through a meek, loving and sanctified way of life.” Klaas Reimer’ s death occurred while he was on a journey visiting the flock on horseback. On Monday, December 28, 1837, he stayed at the home of Peter Kroeker in Lindenau. He spoke until 1 1 PM, and when the brethren had departed, lay down to sleep. Shortly thereafter he had sharp pains in his chest; his condition gradually worsened until he died soon after 4 AM. It is said that when he had died the first message sent to his family was that Klaas was seriously ill, followed by another message that he had died. Klaas Reimer was buried on Tuesday, January 4, 1838, likely in the cemetery at Petershagen. He was 67 years, two months and 1 3 days old when he died. Abraham Friesen was elected to be Klaas Reimer’s successor on April 3, 1 838. At the time there were 61 members entitled to vote. Again with Friesen the question of ordination arose, the Molotschna elders not being willing to perform this task under the conditions acceptable to the Kleine Gemeinde. Through the influence of Johann Comies, however, a decree was issued on January 28, 1843, whereby the Fuersorgekomitee [the government committee responsible for foreign immigrant affairs] compelled the elders to recognize the Kleine Gemeinde and the functions of its elder as valid. Johann Friesen was elected elder on June 10, 1847, succeeding Abraham Friesen, who died soon thereafter. At this time there were 9 1 voting members. From 1 865 to 1 867 about 120 Kleine Gemeinde families from the Molotschna purchased 6,137 dessiatines of land near Nikopol in Ekaterinoslav province for 1 84, 1 00 rubles. They formed five of the villages of the Borozenko Colony. Together with other smaller settlements in the area, such as Gruenfeld and Friedensfeld, Borozenko replaced the Molotschna as the centre of Kleine Gemeinde activities. In 1874 and 1 875 almost all of the Kleine Gemeinde emigrated to North America, settling in Manitoba, Nebraska and Kansas. Sources: Friesen, P. M., pp 75, 76, 106-1 13 Mennonite Encyclopedia Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 18, 118 12 Plett, Delbert F., The Golden Years: The Mennonite Kleine Gemeinde in Russia [1812-1849], D. F. P. Publications, Steinbach, Canada, 1985, ppl45-157 Plett, Delbert F., Saints and Sinners: The Kleine Gemeinde in Imperial Russia 1812 to 1875, Crossway Publications, Steinbach, Canada, 1999, pp 33, 47-54, 67-70 Reimer, Al, Biographical Sketch, Aeltester Klaas Reimer [1770-1837] in Leaders of the Kleine Gemeinde in Russia, 1812 to 1874, Crossway Publications, Steinbach, Canada, 1993, pp 113-120 Reimer, Johann C., Familienregister der Nachkommen von Klaas und Helena Reimer, Winnipeg, Canada, 1958, pp 7-24 Reimer, Klaas, Ein kleines Aufsatz, in Leaders of the Kleine Gemeinde, pp 121-156 Reimer, Klaas, A Sermon on Love and Brotherhood, in Leaders of the Kleine Gemeinde, pp 204-221 Smith, C. Henry, Smith 's Story of the Mennonites, Faith and Life Press, Newton, USA, 1981, pp 274-277 13 3. VISIT OF CZAR ALEXANDER I TO THE MOLOTSCHNA MAY 21, 1818 It is the habit of rulers to tour their empires, particularly if they are far-flung and diverse. This hopefully serves to consolidate the population, all of course filled with admiration for the ruler, and allows the monarch to be informed about the various parts of the kingdom. There is the added benefit that it is cheaper to eat out, particularly if others are footing the bill. On a trip from the Crimea back to St. Petersburg, Alexander I and his entourage chose to travel through a row of western Molotschna villages, likely because the new Mennonite settlements were considered to be success stories. The Molotschna tour began on the morning of May 21 when the procession entered Altonau, the most southern village on the royal path. Here the Czar stopped briefly at the home of Elder Jakob Warkentin. The visit was described later as being such a rare moment in the life of a person that it was too overwhelming to actually perceive, the tongue became silent and the hands automatically folded in prayer. Then the entourage continued northward, stopping briefly at a house in Blumstein. The Czar was going to stop for breakfast in Lindenau, the second village down from there, at the home of Minister David Hiebert. The visit was described in the 1848 Molotschna village reports as a major event in the history of Lindenau. It was also recounted in some detail in the Christlicher Familienkalender of 1900, a publication edited by Abraham Kroeker, who was Hiebert’s great-grandson. Both of these accounts were likely based on the notes made by David Hiebert himself. Preparation for the Czar’s visit began four weeks in advance, when an officer from Orechov appeared and announced to Mrs. Agatha[David] Hiebert “The Czar will have breakfast at your house.” This seemed absolutely unbelievable! Yet after eight days the same officer reappeared with orders to prepare 400 horses. A command came through the municipal offices to improve the roads, to clean and decorate houses, yards and gardens. In another week all the Molotschna village reeves gathered at the Hieberts for an update. Almost 100 horses had been collected, the best were selected and trained daily. Everyone in the villages was busy. Streets were swept, and decorated with new sand, grass and flowers. Guards were posted at each end of Lindenau to prevent anyone from driving or even riding down the street before the Czar had passed through. On May 21 the weather was beautiful, and a large crowd gathered to see their monarch. Mennonites were lined up on the left side of the village street, all in a row, 14 Lutherans and their friends were on the right. The Czar’s entourage consisted of 19 vehicles, the Czar himself riding in the sixth. The royal coach was pulled by six horses, and was travelling with the canopy down. The whole procession slowly entered the village at about 1 0 AM. The Czar greeted those to the right and to the left by nodding; the crowd responded by bowing deeply. David Hiebert continued the narrative “My wife and I were standing in front of the door of our house in order to greet our great guest. The coach stopped opposite our house, the Czar got out, and with rapid strides approached the door. When he stood before us my wife said ‘ If I have found favour in the eyes of your Imperial Majesty, I would like to present you with a small gift.’ She presented him with a bouquet of flowers on a platter, which his majesty graciously accepted.” “When we invited him into our house the Czar remarked ‘ My hostess and host must enter with me.’ In our sitting room \grosse Stube ] was a large table with two candles and covered with flowers. In the comer by the closet a second table was spread with bread, butter, onions and ham. The Czar paced back and forth a number of times, then said ‘Oh, here is something to eat.’ ‘Yes,’ my wife replied, ‘ if I can serve you this humble fare, I would ask you to eat.’ He answered ‘Yes, dear child, I will eat here.’” “We quickly moved the table and placed the chairs. But the Czar would not accept the place of honour at the head of the table, he took an ordinary chair and sat down along the side. I asked him to accept a better chair, but he insisted ‘ No, my hostess will have the place of honour.’ We were somewhat flustered by these words, so my wife said ‘ I am far too humble a servant to sit next to the Lord’s anointed.’ ‘No, dear child, ’said the Emperor, and he took her by the hand, and led her to the place of honour. Then he continued ‘Sit down next to me, for we are all just humans, created equal by God.’ I myself was placed across the table from the Emperor.” “During this time I thought of the words of Psalm 144:3, ‘O Lord, what is man that you care for him, the son of man that you think of him?’ At this point the General Gorchakov and the elderly Kontenius were invited to the table.” “His Majesty ate with a hearty appetite, drank beer and coffee, and during the meal enquired about our circumstances; how long had we lived in his empire, how we liked it, did we have anyone to complain about? My wife answered ‘No, instead we thank your Imperial Majesty for the mercy shown us and the kind reception we have received. We ask for further mercy and protection from your Imperial Majesty, not only for ourselves, but for our co-religionists in Prussia, who through the great and terrible war are in dire circumstances. We ask that they might find acceptance and support.’ Thereupon the Czar answered my wife ‘Yes, dear child, it shall be done.’ He struck his breast twice, and remarked ‘You, your children and grandchildren will experience my beneficence.’ Upon leaving, the Emperor presented my wife with a magnificent diamond ring as a memento of this very important day.” It was felt by the citizens of Lindenau that such a remarkable day, when the anointed of the Lord had been in their midst, would never be forgotten. After his breakfast with the Hieberts Alexander continued his trip, eventually reaching Fuerstenau by the afternoon. Here, it was said, he came not as a ruler, rather as 15 a guest and a much beloved father. In the middle of the village Alexander stepped out of his carriage and walked down the street on foot. He stopped at two rather humble farm houses, inspected the buildings, and asked the owners how they were doing. These people were so astonished and excited that they could hardly answer. * * * This brief trip of Alexander through the Molotschna also had its impact somewhat later. A group of Mennonites from Prussia was migrating to southern Russia in 1 820 when they stopped to rest a few days south of Warsaw. Alexander I happened to be in that city and travelled out to inspect some troops. Warned that the Czar might be passing, the leaders of the group stood at attention on the roadway. When the Czar came by he stopped his carriage and beckoned to the men. He asked them where they were from, and where they were going. They said they were going to the Molotschna in southern Russia. The Czar answered “I wish you well for your trip. Greet your brothers, I have been there.” When the settlers arrived in the Molotschna and told their story, the judge Fadejew said that they should name their newly founded village “Alexanderwohl”, for, he said, Czar Alexander has wished you well [wohl gewuenscht\. When another village was established right next door the following year Johann Comies suggested “You have also, just as your neighbours, received favour through the great Father of this land, so you should name your village “Gnadenheim” [home of favour or mercy]. When Johann Comies made a suggestion it was better to follow it. * * * Royalty must have enjoyed travelling through the Mennonite colonies, Alexander himself repeating his visit on October 22, 1825, even staying over night at the home of Elder Jakob Warkentin in Altonau. Other members of the royal family visited Lindenau on at least three occasions. When Mrs. Katharina [Gerhard] Neufeld prepared breakfast for Count Konstantin Nikolajevitch on August 20, 1845, she received two diamond earrings as mementos. The Mennonites in Russia tended to venerate the Czars. From the repeated references to “the Lord’s anointed” it appears that they bought wholeheartedly into the theory of the “divine right of kings.” From some of the reports one might wonder where the ultimate loyalty would lie - with God or the Czar. Mennonites considered the invitation to enter the country in the first place to have been a personal request by Catherine the Great, then reinforced by the succeeding Paul. Some seemed to think that although they might on occasion be stymied by inefficient or corrupt bureaucrats, that everything would be in order if they could only communicate directly with the Czar. A fair number of Mennonites, such as Abraham Kroeker, one of the publishers of the Christlicher Familienkalender, were unabashed admirers of the royal family. This almanac contained two full pages every year listing and describing the entire royal family, including all the cousins, uncles and aunts. A brief list of major Mennonite historical events in this publication includes the two visits by Alexander I, right along with the 16 founding of the Molotschna Colony and the establishment of the Mennonite Brethren Church. Many Mennonites had hung up pictures of the Czar and his family in their homes, some taking along post card size photographs when they migrated to Canada in the 1920s. Historian P. M. Friesen, in his massive history of the Mennonite Brethren Church, includes four separate royal pictures. Czar Nicholas II is on the frontispiece, the Czarina Alexandra on the following page, then Catherine the Great and Alexander II appear later in the book. Whether this was true patriotism, or perhaps also a touch of political astuteness is left for us to ponder. Czar Nicholas II [picture from P. M. Friesen] Sources: Friesen, P. M., Frontispiece and following page, pp 70, 482 also pages 143-144 Goerz, H., Die MolotschnaerAnsiedlung, Echo-Verlag, Steinbach, Canada, 1950\1951, pp 20, 21 English Translation, 1993, pp 20, 21 Kroeker, Abraham, Ein Hoher Besuch, Christlicher Familienkalender filer das Jahr 1900, Odessa, 1899, pp 112,113 Kroeker, Abraham, Editor, Christlicher Familienkalender juer das Jahr 1900, Odessa 1 899, pp 32-34; also 1905, p 36 Loewen, Harry, No Permanent City, Chapter 25, Visits from the Tsar, Herald Press, Waterloo, Canada, and Scottdale, USA, 1993, pp 1 19-122 Russian 1835 Census of the Molotschna Villages, Genealogy Committee of the Manitoba Mennonite Historical Society, November, 1995, pp 75, 76 Unruh, Benjamin Heinrich, Die niederlaendisch-niederdeutschen Hintergruende der mennonitischen Ostwanderungen, Selbstverlag, 1955, p 315 Stumpp, Karl, The Emigration from Germany to Russia in the Years 1 763 to 1862, American Historical Society of Germans from Russia, Lincoln, USA, 1978, p 182 Village Reports, 1 848, published in Odesser Zeitung, 1904, Lindenau plOO, Blumstein p 102, Altona[Altonau] p 1 15, Fuerstenau p 127, Alexanderwohl p 131, Gnadenheim p 144 Background Information: Map: Route taken by the Czar Alexander I on his trip through the Molotschna Czars of Russia During the Mennonite Period 17 Route taken by the Czar Alexander I on his trip through the Molotschna on May 21, 1818, labelling villages where actual stops are recorded 18 CZARS OF RUSSIA DURING THE MENNONITE PERIOD Catherine II [The Great] 1762-1796 Conquered the Crimea and opened southern Russia for settlement. First invited the Mennonites to Russia Paul 1796-1801 Confirmed Mennonite privileges. Murdered Alexander I 1801-1825 Allied with, then later fought against Napoleon. Policies varied, depending on who had the Czar’s confidence at the time. Died suddenly while on trip in southern Russia Nicholas I 1825-1855 Autocratic, police state, but some economic progress Alexander II 1855-1881 Introduced many reforms. Start of Russification of minorities, including Mennonites. Assassinated Alexander III 1881-1894 More authoritarian, although industry did well Nicholas II 1894-1917 Politically weak and unreliable, abdicated in 1917. He and most [all?] of his family shot in 1918 Sources: Dmytryshyn, Basil, A History of Russia, Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, USA, 1977, pp 328-342 Huebert, H. T., Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, p 382 19 4. METEORITE IN 1832 There are two reports of what was likely a meteorite, seen in the Molotschna in 1 832. Both appear to have been mentioned as a bad omen for the “ schreckliches Notjahr ” [terrible year of suffering] which followed in 1833. One observer described ominous weather, with continuous dust clouds and smoke. This, he felt, produced an extraordinary phenomenon, which was an astonishing and magnificent sight. The night of October 31,1 832 was calm. Beginning approximately at 2 AM and until daybreak “the whole sky was engulfed in brilliant flames of fire in the form of balls or in long narrow or wide flashes.” These flashes shot down from the sky, and seemed to be accompanied by distant thunder. This continued all day, and according to the reporter, was visible in many parts of Europe. In the 1 848 Village report from Sparrau, likely written by teacher Peter Friesen, an equally spectacular episode is described which was likely the same event. On an autumn night of 1832 [specific date not mentioned] a light occurred in the northern sky which looked like a ball of fire. This unusual fireball seemed to open up so that one could look into it, then it closed again. The fireball then vanished, but was replaced by the appearance of innumerable falling stars. A meteorite, coming into the earth’s atmosphere, could appear as a fireball. With disintegration it would be broken into countless smaller fragments, which would heat up in the atmosphere and appear as falling stars. The Leonid Meteorite Shower is the tail of Comet Tempel-Tuttle. This shower peaks every 33 years when the comet comes closer to the earth, and can be seen world wide. One of the record setting showers was seen in North America between November 1 0 and 14, 1833. Transposing the 12 days to the Julian Calender, this would be the end of October or the first days of November in Russia. Meteorite showers sometimes build up a number of years to a peak, occurring at the same time every year. This has happened on a number of occasions with the Leonid Meteorite Shower. It is quite probable that the Mennonite reports from 1832 represent a build-up year to the most spectacular showers of 1 833. In North America some people also assumed that the events in the skies had religious significance - they were a sure signal of the imminent return of Jesus Christ! It is interesting to note that the same event can have such diverse theological interpretations in different parts of the world! Sources: Unknown Author, possibly Johann Comies, Edited and Translated by John B. Toews The Good Old Days: A Russian Mennonite Document from 1835, Mennonite Life, January, 1968, p 32 Village Reports, 1848, published in Odesser Zeitung, Sparrau, p 153 Young, Scott, Manitoba Planitarium, Winnipeg, Canada 20 5. CROP FAILURE IN 1833 In 1830, with continuous early summer drought in the Molotschna, and constant strong east winds, crop failure was a threat. A few showers finally arrived, giving a meagre harvest. During the summer of 1832 there were high temperatures; rains and dew completely disappeared; winds withered all vegetation, and everything was wrapped in an atmosphere of dust. When fall arrived the winter wheat was planted at the usual time, but into completely dry soil. It did not germinate. The winter of 1 832 to 1 833 did not have the usual snowstorms of the steppe region. The moderate night frosts pulverized the loose topsoil even more, so the air was filled with clouds of dust. The grainfields, pastures and hay fields, as well as farmyards were covered with dust. It piled up along the roads, sometimes reaching the height of the fences. Dust penetrated through windows and small cracks in the houses, covering the furniture in thick layers. In the spring of 1833 grain was planted in the colonies and the surrounding areas, again into dry ash-like soil. Despite the lack of germination, the farmers did not despair. Early in May, after ten months of drought, a gentle rain fell, and the seed did germinate. Hopes were soon dashed, however, when the destructive east winds resumed, and the temperature reached 28 °Reaumur [33.6°C] in the shade. This combination soon withered the newly germinated plants. A second rain fell on May 21, but again its benefits disappeared with a repeat of even higher temperatures, up to 29.5 °R [35.4°C]. All crops and grass of pastures and hay fields were burned to a crisp. Only the fruit trees seemed to defy the onslaught of wind, heat and dust! They certainly suffered, but survived to provide somewhat small, prematurely ripened fruit. The forest plots, recently planted near many of the villages, also survived. By the end of May, because of the absence of grass on the pastures, the cattle and horses were suffering severely. Attempts were made to graze cattle in other less stricken areas, but they were too far away to be practical. Eventually the choice was made to keep only a few milking cows per family; the limited supplies of hay would just barely keep the essential cows alive, thereby also providing milk for the community. Dried out beds of rivers, creeks and ponds, normally disregarded, now also provided some additional hay. Fortunately on July 1 “He [God] provided us with a beneficial rain.” It did not produce crops or revitalize the grass, but gave enough moisture to allow a somewhat prickly weed to grow [kurai]. The weed, harvested before it was over-ripe, dampened with a little water at feeding time, and mixed with a few stalks of wheat or barley, provided surprisingly nourishing feed for the cattle. This even allowed provision of some feed to be stored for the coming winter. Even so, the relatively poorly fed cattle sometimes could not stand upright on their own, and gave very little milk. Towards the end of January of 1 834 a dip in the temperature to -20 °R [-24 °C] penetrated into the almost empty bams, killing the weaker cattle. Of the 9,032 head of cattle in the Molotschna at the start of 1 833, only 5,0 1 1 survived to the spring of 1834. Horses were even more severely affected than the cattle. The practice had been to 21 pasture many of the horses in areas well south of the Molotschna for the winter. With the severe weather conditions, the initial heat and drought of the summer, and then the subsequent cold of winter, it was discovered that many of the horses were dying. They were therefore brought back to the farms in the Molotschna. It was decided to keep only the best draught horses, to try to maintain some stock that was reasonably fed. Initially there had been 7,348 horses, reduced to 4,986 by May 1 , 1 834. The sheep seem to have withstood the extremes of weather somewhat better. On May 1 , 1 834 there were 98,892 sheep in the Molotschna which could be sheared. This wool brought in 259,880 rubles in cash, much needed to help pay for some of the other necessities of life. But the people also suffered, not only the crops and animals. “Only a few families were able to fatten their pigs for butchering so as to use them for lard and the meat for salting and smoking. The poorer families had to substitute beef...” How tastes do change! But there were also true desperate shortages “A great shortage of bread existed, and some families were near famine...” Efforts to obtain grain for the entire community, especially those near starvation, were fraught with difficulty. The drought was quite widespread and involved a total of 21 districts, so freight wagons did not go through the area because they could not feed their horses. Drivers from the Molotschna therefore had to travel considerable distances to obtain grain. The district office was assigned the care of the destitute and starving people. A fund was established to finance the purchase of food; 46,000 rubles was provided by wealthier local citizens, but the government also contributed 357,000 rubles. Once the food supplies arrived a four-man commission was set up to distribute them. Investigation showed that 535 families, consisting of 3,163 individuals, had some degree of need. It appears that no one in the Mennonite colonies actually died of starvation. Thirteen of the Molotschna village reports written in 1 848 specifically mention the drought of 1833, often referring to it as “das schreckliche Notjahr” [the terrible year of need]. The Muntau correspondent recorded various disasters, but concluded “In the years 1 833 and 1 834 the suffering exceeded all that had gone on before.” Hopes were high for 1 834, but unfortunately the weather was again unfavourable. Crops were meagre, more or less providing only enough for seed grain. There were severe epidemics in the population of the neighbouring villages in the spring of 1834. The Mennonite villages were spared this additional plague. But finally the circumstances changed. In 1 835 the weather was excellent, and each carefully tilled field seemed to promise a rich harvest. One observer drew spiritual lessons from the dire time of need. “When all the land is plagued and God’s judgement comes, God chastises for the betterment of the human race. Man is obligated to place his courage and trust in gracious providence and to continue steadfastly in the profession God has given him. In the end he will be crowned with heaven’s blessings, according to the promises so clearly contained in the Word of God.” The Mennonites continued “in the profession God has given,” which presumably meant farming. 22 Sources: Epp, D. H. [from old papers], Historische Uebersicht ueber den Zustand der Mennoniten- gemeinden an der Molotschna vom Jahre 1836, UnserBlatt, March 1928, pp 139-143 Hildebrand, J. J., Hildebrand’s Zeittafel, Winnipeg, Canada, 1945, p 186 Isaac, Franz, Die Molotschnaer Mennoniten, H. J. Braun, Halbstadt, Russia, 1908, pp 19, 20 Unknown Author, possibly Johann Comies, Edited and Translated by John B. Toews, “The Good Old Days: A Russian Mennonite Document from 1835, Mennonite Life, January 1968, pp 31-34 Village Reports, 1848, published in Odesser Zeitung, Halbstadt, p 91; Muntau p 95; Lindenau p 100; Petershagen p 108; Ladekopp p 1 12; Muensterberg p 1 16; Alexanderwohl p 132; Franztal p 134; Mariental p 138; Alexandertal p 143; Wemersdorfp 150; Friedensdorf p 151; Sparraup 153 23 6. EARTHQUAKE IN 1838 On January 11, 1838 at 9:30 PM an earthquake was recorded in the Molotschna Colony. It apparently involved an extensive strip across southern Russia, since it was felt in the German settlements of the Mariupol region south and eastward, as well as in settlements west of the Molotschna. Houses in the Molotschna did not collapse, but pendulum clocks were stopped, cups and drinking glasses rattled, pets and chickens were very uneasy. Wells which prior to the earthquake gave only a meagre supply of water became abundant sources. In 1 848 the Molotschna villages were asked to write brief histories, including their establishment, and any significant events that had occurred. A number of these reports mention the earthquake of January 11, 1838. Halbstadt and Ohrloff mentioned a strong earthquake, but no significant damage. In Muntau the quake was called “terror inspiring” [Schrecken erregende ], but the only long term effect was a rise of the water level in the wells, as was the case in Franztal. In Mariental deep wells actually caved in, but later the benefit of a ten foot higher water table was noted. In both Grossweide and Konteniusfeld the water level also rose, but the water became bitter, and in Konteniusfeld actually unusable by humans. It was said that in hot summer days not even the horses in Konteniusfeld could drink the water. This earthquake has been documented scientifically, with specific information available from the United States National Earthquake Information Center. It is recorded as occurring January 23 at 18:36 Greenwich Mean Time. Correcting for the Julian calendar and the different time zones, this is exactly the correct time as recorded historically! The epicentre was at 45.7°N Latitude and 26.6°E Longitude, which is about 750 kilometres west and slightly south of the Molotschna. It was centred 150 kilometres below the earth’s surface, and measured 6.9 on the Richter Scale. This is of the same magnitude as the quake at Kobe, Japan, of January 16, 1995, and only slightly less than the 7.1 of the 1989 Loma- Prieta earthquake which centred around Santa Cruz and San Francisco on October 17,1 989 [during a World Series baseball game]. According to a geologist the 1 838 earthquake was certainly strong enough “to give the whole area a good jolt.” Sources: Brisbin, Dr. W. C., Professor of Structural Geology, University of Manitoba, Canada, personal communication Hildebrand, J. J., Hildebrand’s Zeittafel, Winnipeg, Canada, 1945, p 189 United States Geological Survey, National Earthquake Information Center Village Reports, 1848, published in Odesser Zeitung, Halbstadt p 92, Muntau p 95, Franztal p 134, Grossweide p 136, Mariental p 138, Konteniusfeld p 155, Ohrloff p 162 World Almanac and Book of Facts 1998, World Almanac Books, Mahwah, USA, 1998, p 270 24 7. THE DEATH AND FUNERAL OF JOHANN CORNIES The wife of Johann Comies, Agnes, became ill and died on the fifth day of her illness, on March 30, 1847. At the time Johann Comies [junior] was travelling in Prussia, in part to overcome depression because of the death of his first wife, in part to look for another. Father Johann Comies wrote his son the bad news, but urged him to continue his travels in Prussia. In time the son Johann did find a potential wife, and planned to get married in Prussia. He asked that his only sister Agnes and her husband Philipp Wiebe come to Prussia for the wedding. Father Johann readily agreed to this. It was a difficult parting for all concerned, with a premonition that this might be a final farewell. After the Wiebes left, Johann moved his bedroom to the Eckstube [comer room]. He increasingly withdrew to this room even during the daytime, highly unusual for Johann. Even a meeting of the Agricultural Society together with the civic officials was held in the Eckstube, little realizing that this would be Comies’ last participation. Johann’s zest for work had left him; he looked sick. This had not come upon him suddenly - he had become less talkative and more introspective for some time. Shortly before his illness he had spent some evenings, after his cup of tea, dictating to his secretary. He would take a large number of loose papers out of his desk, and using them as notes, dictate his thoughts. But this became increasingly difficult. Sometimes they sat far into the night, often accomplishing very little. He would sit for long periods, then admit that he could no longer recollect his previous thoughts. On February 29, 1848 Comies was laid up in bed, succumbing to a serious throat infection [probably quinsy, an infection behind the tonsils]. His brother David had him try some powerful inhalants, which improved the condition enough to allow Johann to get out of bed for several days. Then he relapsed. Gradually his strength seemed to ebb away. Suddenly one day, when Johann was already quite weak, with the help of his secretary, he dressed completely, including his boots. He got up, and without help briskly walked out the door. There he halted, and quietly looked out into the distance. He sighed, waved his hand as if to dismiss everything, then turned back to his bed. Comies was quiet and patient in his illness. Generally he preferred to be alone. A physician was called in on two occasions, but could provide no help. His good friend and spiritual advisor, Minister Peter Neufeld, often visited him, and was with him when the hour of death approached. Johann Comies died, slipping away as he lay quietly with his eyes closed, on March 13, 1848. The funeral was on March 16, at the Comies residence in Ohrloff. The only one of his off-spring present was the young daughter of his son Johann, but this was more than compensated for by the widespread participation of many people. It was said that never before had there been an occasion in the colonies with such a diverse representation of nationalities and religions. There were of course Mennonites, but also other Germans, Russians, Nogaies, Molokans, Dukhobors and Jews, all coming to pay last respects to their 25 friend and helper. After the simple traditional funeral oration by Elder Bernhard Fast of the Ohrloff church, the coffin was taken out onto the yard because the house could impossibly hold all those who had come. It took a long time until everyone had come by and paid their last respects. Johann’s face was peaceful, even in death. The body was then taken to the Ohrloff cemetery; the procession snaked all the way from the house to the grave site. There his earthly remains were placed next to his wife Agnes. A black marble monument was erected at his grave in 1 849 in his honour. It was a broken off pillar, signifying that his work had not yet been completed. A friend of his, Baron Fedor von Rosen, president of the Fuersorgekomitee, the government agency that regulated the affairs of the Mennonites, summed up Johann’s life “In thankful remembrance, the prematurely departed Comies continues to live for us, his life and work were models for us. He was in the true sense of the word a Christian...” Rosen also took the opportunity to encourage other Mennonites “May the picture of the unforgettable Comies always remain in your memory... may you gladly follow his example...” Former Johann Comies residence in Ohrloff, later owned by Johann Wiebe Sources: Epp, David H., Johann Cornies, Echo-Verlag, Rosthem and Steinbach, Canada, 1946, pp 142-147 Gavel, Johann Cornies, Unterhaltungsblatt, October 1 848, Beilage, after page 80, pp 9-18 Goerz, H., Die Molotschnaer Ansiedlung, Echo-Verlag, Steinbach, Canada, 1950/51, p 38 Hildebrand, J. J., Hildebrand’s Zeittafel, Winnipeg, Canada, 1945, p 196 Isaac, Franz, Die Molotschnaer Mennoniten, H. J. Braun, Halbstadt, Russia, 1908, p 19 Background Information: Johann Comies 26 JOHANN CORNIES [1789- 1848] Johann Comies was bom June 20, 1789 in Baerwalde, near Danzig, in West Prussia. He was the eldest of four sons of Johann and Maria Comies. The Comies family emigrated to Russia in 1804, and after spending two years in the Chortitza Colony, settled in the newly established village of Ohrloff in the Molotschna. Originally a sailor, the senior Comies now took up herbal medicine, and was soon treating patients from far and wide. The family, which had required government assistance to emigrate, now became quite affluent. Meanwhile the son Johann worked a year as a labourer for a miller, then purchased a Russian cart and began selling Molotschna agricultural products in the cities of the Crimea. In 1 8 1 1 Johann married Agnes Klassen. The couple had five children, of whom the eldest, Johann [bom 1812], and the youngest, Agnes [bom 1819], were the only ones to survive to adulthood. In 1 8 1 2 the young Comies family is listed as Eimvohner [occupants] in the home of his father, but soon thereafter he bought his own Wirtschaft [farm] in Ohrloff. Johann purchased a small flock of sheep, and in 1 8 1 2 leased some unoccupied crown lands for his operations. Even at this time his plans and vision reached well beyond the confines of his own village, and certainly included many aspects of agricultural development well beyond the experience of his compatriots. In 1816 Comies established a stud farm, he himself visiting the Don region to select suitable horses. Soon thereafter he also started to improve the breed of cattle by the use of imported bulls. By 1817 government officials had obviously noted the prodigious activities and wide interests of Johann Comies; he was appointed life-long chairman of the Society for the Effective Promotion of Afforestation, Horticulture, Silk Industry and Vine Culture. This position ushered Comies into public life and assured his influence in Mennonite colonies as well as beyond into the surrounding population. An agronomist, Gavel, writing about Comies, felt that the well-spring of his career was an ardent desire to secure the future well-being of the Mennonite settlements by ensuring that they would flourish and gain for themselves a highly favourable reputation. This would be achieved by a “system of rational, market oriented agriculture, resting on experimentation... It would secure for a growing population a greater enjoyment of life, morally, spiritually, and materially, under the aegis of a gentle but strict leadership.” Also of basic importance to Comies, according to Gavel, was to live a Christian life. But he also wished to demonstrate devotion to his monarch, the Czar, and to his new Fatherland. This could best be done by ensuring the well being of the Mennonite colonies and their neighbours on the steppes of South Russia, thereby enriching the land and serving as ideal examples to follow. While the expression of devotion to royalty was likely motivated by pragmatic politics, there is ample evidence that Comies did often receive advice and direction from government agencies, but was also in a position to give advice and influence government policies. He obviously had the complete confidence of officials such as the chairman of the Fuersorgekomitee [committee supervising foreign colonists], and was often consulted on agricultural matters well beyond the confines of the Mennonite colonies. In 1830 Comies leased a large tract of government land along the Juschanlee River, and over the years developed this area into a model and experimental farm. Many of the innovations instituted by Comies were first tried on his own land or on Juschanlee. Eventually a complex of agricultural and business buildings was erected, extensive gardens were planted as well as tree nurseries and a forest of 68,000 trees. Comies later purchased a number of large estates near 27 Melitopol, and also had his own brickyard and manufacturing operation. Also in 1 830 the Landwirtschaftliche Verein [Agricultural Society] was introduced in the Molotschna. Johann Comies was its Vorsitzer [chairman], appointed to that position for life by General Inzov, chairman of the Fuersorgekomitee. Initially the powers of the Society were limited to the giving of advice, and that within a well defined sphere. This sphere was in agriculture, horticulture, afforestation, silk production and the planting of vineyards. Partly because of its direct links with the authorities, partly because of the character of the chairman, the suggestions of the Society tended to become compulsory. The terms of reference also widened considerably until there was very little in the lives of the Molotschna residents which was not in some way regulated. With vigour which knew almost no bounds, with knowledge gathered from extensive reading, from a wide circle of contacts and from experimental trials, and with a vision which in many instances was uncannily accurate, Comies proceeded to improve the circumstances in the Mennonite colonies. To implement change in a relatively conservative society seemed at times to require despotic means. Separation of civil and religious spheres was often blurred. The traditional personal responsibility, community leadership and prohibition of the use of force between believers sometimes became casualties of expediency. Afforestation was a long term project of Johann Comies. He was convinced that the well¬ being of the agricultural communities on the bald steppes of South Russia could be improved, even the weather modified to some degree, by the massive planting of trees. As was his practice, Comies first modelled this concept on his own farms, starting in 1831. Eventually sections were set aside in each village for forests; it became mandatory to plant hedges between the Wirtschaften ; every farmer had to plant a certain number of fruit trees each year; alleys of trees were planted along the roads between villages. Meticulous records were kept to document the progress of the project. On January 1, 1844, for example, there were 2,710,434 trees in the Molotschna, of which 250,342 had been planted in 1843. Animal husbandry was also a continuing concern of Comies; he worked on breeding Merino sheep for the production of wool, as well as improving the stock of horses and cattle. With the dry conditions of southern Russia, the traditional Mennonite swampland methods of agriculture needed to be modified to adjust to the new conditions. Feeling that more land should be devoted to cereal crops, partly to take advantage of world market demands, Comies experimented with and kept records of crop yields using various new innovations. By 1835, on the basis of proven increased yield, a four field system of farming was introduced, with rotation of crops leaving one part in summerfallow at all times. The use of manure as fertilizer was also advocated. Building of artificial ponds was initiated by constructing earth dams on the small rivers that ran through the area. This would assure a constant supply of water for flocks and herds, and allow for irrigation of low lying hayfields. Comies’ interests and influence did not long remain confined to agriculture. He encouraged many industries and crafts, and even established Neu-Halbstadt as an industrial suburb of Halbstadt. Since the government was interested in the silk industry, Comies promoted the planting of mulberry trees and hedges and the production of silk. In 1843 the Agricultural Society was given jurisdiction over the schools in the Molotschna, and Comies approached this task with his usual vigour. Primary education became compulsory. Attempts were made to improve instruction by upgrading teachers, standardizing the curriculum and by regular school inspections. Comies published “General Guidelines for Instruction of and Dealing with School Children, for the Teachers of the Molotschna District” in which 87 specific suggestions were made to improve the quality of education. New and more functional schools were built in many villages to help this process. The influence of Comies soon spread well beyond the borders of the Molotschna Colony. 28 Chortitza, while officially not under the jurisdiction of the Agricultural Society, nevertheless implemented many of the programs. Comies was asked by the government to help in the settlement of the nomadic Nogaies; he worked with the Hutterites as well as the Molokans and Dukhobors. He established an agricultural internship program for young Russians and helped them to develop model villages. He tried to improve the agricultural status of the surrounding Jewish settlements. Comies’ work was obviously recognized and appreciated by the government. He received a number of royal family visits as well as gifts of land, but also continuing authority to allow him to enforce his plans. It was under the tutelage of Johann Comies that the concept of Musterwirte [model farmers] came to be virtually a tenet of faith in the Mennonite settlements. The concept dated back to the establishment of the colonies, but was gradually refined and regulated until it came to constitute a large part of the Mennonite philosophy of life. The Mennonites were actually held up by those in authority as models of progress, examples of achievement and industry. Witness to their faith could best be expressed in excellence - in the establishment of Wirtschaften that were neat and orderly to a fault, that complied with every regulation set down by the Agricultural Society, and that exemplified the most modem agricultural techniques and innovations. During his years as chairman of the Agricultural Society, Comies, by virtue of the fact that the Society controlled land allotment and development, planned the establishment of a number of villages in the Molotschna. Konteniusfeld, named after Samuel Kontenius, the tireless and devoted chairman of the Fuersorgekomitee in Odessa for many years, was founded in 1832. Fischau was also moved to a better site that year. Gnadenfeld was established in 1835, Waldheim in 1836 and Landskrone in 1 839. In 1 843 Neu-Halbstadt was begun, and that same year Comies also planned Huttertal and a few years later Johannesruh for Hutterite settlers. In 1848 Johann Comies planned the establishment of a model village, Hierschau. He planned it, but was not able to cany out the plans. Late in February he became ill, eventually becoming bedridden. He died March 13, 1848, of a severe throat infection. The funeral was held on March 16. According to reports “people flocked from far and wide to accompany the mortal remains of the departed benefactor to their final resting place...” Johann Comies was predeceased by his wife Agnes, who died March 30, 1847, and survived by two children, Johann and Agnes. A memorial was erected in the cemetery at Ohrloff in his honour, a broken marble column, signifying that his work had not been completed. Sources: Epp, David H., Johann Comies, Echo-Verlag, Rosthem and Steinbach, Canada, 1946, pp 1-148 Gavel, Johann Comies, Unterhaltungsblatt, October 1848, Beilage, after page 80, pp 9-18 Goerz, H., Die Molotschnaer Ansiedlung, Echo-Verlag, Steinbach, Canada, 1950/51, pp 40-53 Huebert, H. T., Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, pp 32-36 Mennonite Encyclopedia Molotschna Report, Mennonitische Blaetter, March 1855, p 19 It should be noted that the name of Johann Comies’ wife and daughter is in some doubt. Many documents refer to Agnes, but there are some sources that list them as Aganetha. No picture of Comies has been included in this biography. Our assumption is that the picture commonly used has little resemblance to the real man, and was certainly not drawn by an admirer of his! 29 8. 130 HORSES 1 848 was an interesting year. Sparked by a revolution in Paris on February 24, in which Louis-Philippe was overthrown, a series of uprisings erupted across Europe, all the way from Ireland to Hungary. The flames were fanned in part by famine from recent crop failures, by economic downturn, but also by a common desire for the people to have a more meaningful input into their governments. In some regions the revolutions were relatively mild and gentlemanly affairs, but in some areas, such as northern Italy and Berlin, they turned bloody. There had been revolt in Russian Polish territory on a number of occasions, in 1 830 and 1 846, but not specifically at this time. Czar Nicholas I, however, was not amused by the turmoil which was bubbling over so close to his borders. Apportioning to himself the role of “international peace-keeper”, he ordered 400,000 men to prepare for a westward drive, but later downgraded this scheme. In July, 1848, Russian forces invaded and occupied the neighbouring principalities of Moldavia and Walachia to quell revolutions. In agreement with Turkish authorities the political structures of these regions were altered. It was more difficult for Nicholas to help Austria, where a number of social and “nationalist” revolutions broke out, for example in Prague, Vienna, northern Italy and Galicia. Eventually a Russian army of 1 70,000 men entered Hungary in June of 1 849 to help the Austrian army quell a serious revolution. The Mennonites, while safely isolated on the wide steppes of South Russia, were not totally unaware of the trends sweeping through Europe, and likely were also cognizant of the attitude of their own government, particularly that of Nicholas I. They wished to assure the Czar that they had no aspirations similar to those of the revolutionaries, that they were humble and grateful citizens of their chosen homeland, and dedicated servants of his illustrious majesty. In August, 1848, the Molotschna Mennonites presented Czar Nicholas I, through his officials, with 130 excellent horses as an expression of their allegiance to the crown. * * * A letter was directed to Baron Fedor von Rosen, chairman of the committee responsible for foreign settlers [the Guardians Committee] in South Russia. It read as follows [translated from Russian to German to English] : “In the present unhappy and serious time, where in all countries with the exception of Russia the subjects have revolted against their legally constituted governments, and during which time the enemy of all good and orderly things is showing his might, we feel it necessary to let our attachment to Crown, Fatherland and to law and order, be known. We know with which efforts and great sacrifice his Majesty the Czar, our most gracious national father tries to keep the destructive elements and disturbers of the peace 30 outside of our borders, in order to assure us security and peace. Acknowledging the sincere and deep felt wish of many of our brothers, we have, totally as a free-will offering, collected from each as their own desires directed, in recognition of the above mentioned sentiments. The Mennonites of the Molotschna district therefore wish to make a gift of 1 30 excellent and useful horses. Recognizing that the actual number is relatively small, we none-the-less... humbly ask your excellency to accept this small and insignificant gift as a symbol of our steadfast belief in the legally constituted order, and as proof of our dedication to the Crown and our Fatherland, also as a sign of our deepest thanks for the protection and many other benefits we have, through your mercy received... The Lord our God allow that we and our descendants may long live under such protection within the borders of Russia.” The letter was dated August 16, 1848, and was signed by Elders Bernhard Fast, Benjamin Ratzlaff, Peter Wedel, Abraham Friesen, Heinrich Toews and Dirk Warkentin, as well as District Chairman Abraham Toews and district representatives Braun and Neufeld. * * * Through His Excellency Baron von Rosen the gift of 130 horses and the accompanying letter were accepted. A letter of thanks, assuring the Mennonites of the gratitude of the Czar was written by Count P. D. Kiselyov, Director of the First Department [Minister of State Domains]. “This letter of thanks is to inform you of the extreme thankfulness of his Majesty the Czar. May this expression of best wishes be an example to you and you descendants of the beneficence of his Royal Majesty to those who are his faithful servants...” Sources: Announcement, Obrigkeitliche Anerkennung, Unterhaltungsblatt, April 1848, p 25 Dmytryshyn, Basil, A History of Russia, Prentice-Hall Inc., Englewood Cliffs, USA, 1977, pp 358-359 Isaac, Franz, Die Molotschnaer Mennoniten, H. J. Braun, Halbstadt, Russia, 1908, pp 23-25 Letter, Unterhaltungsblatt, November 1848, pp 81, 82 Seton- Watson, Hugh, The Russian Empire 1801-1917, Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1967, pp 311-319 31 9. BIRTH OF THE MENNONITE BRETHREN CHURCH JANUARY 6, 1860 Having left the confining spirit and constrictions of the Vistula Delta, the Mennonites had an opportunity to build their own ideal society on the broad steppes of South Russia. Being human beings, they unfortunately drifted into religious decline, dead orthodoxy and a spirit of secularism and worldliness. There were a number of attempts at renewal; the Kleine Gemeinde, starting with Bible studies in the homes in 1812, finally achieved full recognition in 1843. This group emphasized the return to the concepts of the Bible and the early Anabaptists, particularly criticizing lax church discipline. The Ohrloff Mennonite Church, under the progressive leadership of Elder Bernhard Fast, brought new vision to the region. A Vereinsschale [private school] was established in Ohrloff in 1 820 through the influence of Johann Comies. The first teacher was Tobias Voth, a gifted man who was also concerned about the spiritual life of the community. He organized a literary society [Lesevereiri] and sponsored mission circles. In the 1 840s and 1 850s the Gnadenfeld congregation became the centre of spiritual renewal in the Molotschna. A group of Mennonites led by Wilhelm Lange migrated from Brandenburg in Prussia to establish the village of Gnadenfeld in 1835. There was active participation in two Sunday services, there were midweek meetings, mission festivals and home Bible studies. The church produced and distributed tracts renouncing drinking. August Lenzmann was ordained elder of the congregation in 1854. He was cautious and conservative by nature, but certainly well meaning, and thought of as humble, and basing his faith and hope on Jesus Christ. At first he seemed sympathetic to those wishing reform, though later he became a staunch foe. A strong influence on the Mennonites in South Russia in the mid nineteenth century was Pfarrer Eduard Wuest, a pietistic pastor of a Lutheran church in Neuhoffnung, a village near Berdyansk. He was bom in Wuerttemberg, and studied in Stuttgart and Tuebingen. After graduation, while already an assistant pastor he came to understand that he needed genuine forgiveness of sins and assurance of salvation. This became his message. He developed into a powerful, zealous speaker. In 1845 Wuest was invited to be the pastor at Neuhoffnung. Presenting “Jesus Christ, the Crucified” was his central theme as he preached to his own members, and soon well beyond the confines of his own congregation. In 1 846 he was invited to speak at a missions festival in Gnadenfeld, beginning a time of frequent involvement at festivals and other meetings especially in the Molotschna Colony. Apparently Wuest’ s popularity aroused envy among the surrounding Lutheran pastors and the elders of the Mennonite churches, so that he was forbidden to preach from many of the pulpits. However, he continued to play a part in devotional meetings where he did not preach, but freely responded to questions. Jakob Reimer, a prominent leader in the early Memionite Brethren Church, commented that the purpose of these meetings was “to exhort each other to walk and work worthy of our position as members of the body 32 of Christ.” Wuest died prematurely on July 13, 1859. Some who disagreed with him interpreted this as a judgement of God, while his friends felt it was a deliverance from tribulation. While Wuest had inspired many, not everything was ideal. He had, for example, continued with infant baptism, and for communion had not separated true believers from apostate members. A certain Kappes, formerly teacher in the Mariupol area, led a group who felt that Wuest did not take “joyous justification” far enough. They considered the Bible to be their only guide, and strongly emphasized the emotional life, particularly “Christianjoy.” At a missions festival held in Rosenfeld in 1 858, Kappes and his followers walked out of the meeting, singing and shouting, in protest against Wuesf s more moderate position. Mennonites such as Johann Claassen, Jakob Reimer, Jakob Becker and Wilhelm Bartel initially participated in some of the meetings, which consisted largely of Bible study and singing. Claassen and Reimer soon noted some imbalance in the emphasis, but Wilhelm Bartel later took this tendency into the fledgling Mennonite Brethren Church. Fellowship meetings and Bible studies continued in a number of Molotschna Mennonite villages. With numerous conversions, and a search for deeper life, more frequent communion, administered by an elder, seemed to be the natural progression. According to Jakob Reimer “As our fellowship based itself more and more upon the Word of God, there arose among us the desire to observe the Lord’s Supper more frequently and so we asked our Elder Lenzmann to break the bread more often for us - also in our private homes, according to Acts 2:46-47.” Lenzmann denied the request, later stating that such a request was without historical precedent, it would foster spiritual pride and could cause disunity in the church. Having asked the elder for this concession does show that the initial objective of those concerned was not separation. Without the consent of Elder Lenzmann a group of believers met and had communion in late November, 1859, in Elisabetthal in the home of Komelius Wiens. Abraham Comelsen, a school teacher, was in charge of the proceedings, which were carried out according to the principles outlined by Paul in 1 Corinthians 1 1 . Several members of the Flemish Church were present, and six members of the Gnadenfeld church. When news of the event spread, it caused consternation and considerable displeasure. Those who were members of the Flemish Church were immediately put under the ban. The six Gnadenfeld members appeared before the ministers of the church, were reproved, and asked to promise that “they would submit to all things not contrary to the Word of God and their conscience.” It is quite possible that this would have been the end of the episode if it had not been for an extremely critical and quite vocal element in the Gnadenfeld church. At membership meetings held on December 19 and 27, 1859, the whole new movement, and particularly Jakob Reimer and Johann Claassen were attacked. The December 27 meeting was particularly stormy, with some members shouting “Away with them, they are no better than the others.” Jakob Reimer slowly walked up to the front, and asked Elder Lenzmann if he could leave. Lenzmann reluctantly gave his consent. Both Reimer and Claassen prepared to leave the meeting, but they were challenged by Heinrich Franz, who earlier had been in conflict with Claassen regarding school matters. Addressing Claassen he said “You are 33 otherwise such a courageous man; why don’t you call on your associates to follow you?” Claassen turned and said “Well brethren, whoever is like-minded, come along.” About ten brethren arose and left the meeting with Reimer and Claassen. The Gnadenfeld Mennonite Church, where the meetings of December 19 and 27, 1859 would have been held After consulting with others, Claassen asked Comelsen to write a letter of secession, he himself would call a meeting of the brethren. * * * The meeting called by Claassen was held on Epiphany, January 6, 1 860, in the home of Isaak Koop in Elisabetthal. Comelsen’ s letter was scmtinized carefully, and accepted as the basis for further action. The entire afternoon and on into the evening was spent in prayer, after which the document was circulated for voluntary signatures. Eighteen heads of families signed that day, another nine on January 1 8. The document, basically a letter to the elders of the Molotschna Mennonite Church, is not a true complete confession of faith, rather an outline of the causes of secession. A brief summary of the contents is: [a] We have, by the grace of God, recognized the decadent condition of the Mennonite Brotherhood, and can for God’s and conscience sake no longer continue therein... [b] We herewith completely dissociate ourselves from the decadent churches... [c] We speak here of the entire Mennonite Brotherhood, because the supreme government authorities consider it one true brotherhood [d] ...we are, according to our conviction from the Holy Scriptures, in agreement with our dear Menno [e] We confess a baptism on faith [f] ...communion... serves to strengthen the faith of true believers... not as a sign of the 34 fellowship of believers and unbelievers... [g] ...footwashing.. .to be practiced among one another [h] Teachers may be called in two scriptural ways.. .by God alone. ..Others are called through the instrumentality of true believers [i] ...all carnal and reprobate sinners must be banned from the fellowship 0] In all other articles of confession, we are in full agreement with Menno Simons In a footnote the Mennonite elders were informed that if they wished to communicate with the group, Abraham Comelsen, Isaak Koop and Johann Claassen were appointed as representatives. Separation of church and state became a casualty in the reaction to this document. The Molotschna elders met in Alexanderwohl on January 1 8, 1 860. David Friesen, colony Oberschulze was also invited. Five of the six elders, likely at the strong suggestion of Friesen, insisted that the seceding members be turned over to the district court for disciplining. Only Bernhard Fast of the Ohrloff-Halbstadt church objected. The feeling of the majority was that an independent church could not be tolerated, and the colony administration should dissuade the dissidents from their erroneous ways. It was later explained that the elders had already exhausted all means to cajole the erring members with “love and earnestness,” a blatant misrepresentation, since there had been insufficient time to even begin such negotiations. The reaction of the colony administration was swift; David Friesen, who had no sympathy for the dissidents, demanded an explanation from the three representatives. They explained that they would have preferred to stay in their own congregations, but since their ministers were not acting in accordance with God’s word, felt, for conscience sake, that it was necessary to form their own church. Friesen obviously disagreed, since four days later, on January 27, a letter went out to village offices prohibiting all religious gatherings - using a provision of the law meant to curb secrete societies and political agitation. When intimidation did not work the three representatives were ordered to appear before Inspector Andrea, a member of the Fuersorgekomitee in Odessa. Thus began a long and frustrating process of obtaining recognition as a separate church, yet within the Mennonite fold, with all the rights and privileges of Mennonites. This involved negotiations with government officials in St. Petersburg, Johann Claassen spending much time and effort in the capital city, but also continued discussion with various leaders in the Molotschna. While receiving verbal assurance of support by the Czar in March of 1862, confirmation of full religious and civil privileges for the Mennonite Brethren did not come until May 30, 1866. In the meantime, some felt that a tenable solution for the Mennonite Brethren was to settle elsewhere. “Heinrich Huebert and Associates” received permission to establish a settlement in the Caucasus area in the Kuban. On a tract of 6,500 dessiatines two villages were established, first Wohldemfuerst, then later Alexanderfeld. Substantial numbers of Mennonite Brethren, however, still remained in the Molotschna and Chortitza colonies. Eventually, although very grudgingly, the Mennonite Brethren obtained full recognition by, though certainly not the support of, the five Molotschna Mennonite elders who had initially opposed them. 35 Sources: Bekker, Jacob P., Origin of the Mennonite Brethren Church, Translation by D. E. Pauls and A. E. Janzen, The Mennonite Brethren Historical Society of the Midwest, 1973, pp 17-185 Friesen, P. M„ pp 173-221 Mennonite Encyclopedia Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 19, 119 Smith, C. Henry, Smith 's Story of the Mennonites, Fifth Edition, Faith and Life Press, Newton, USA, 1981, pp 277-282 Toews, J. A., pp 26-46 Background Information: Pfarrer Eduard Wuest Elder August Lenzmann Johann Claassen Jakob Reimer Spelling of names in the various historical documents is not consistent. ‘"Becker" is the spelling chosen by historian J. A. Toews, but Jakob P. Becker also spelled his name Boecker and Bekker. His brother Benjamin seemed to favour Bekker Johann Claassen's father spelled his name Klaassen. Elizabeth Suderman Klassen, in her biography of Johann, uses the spelling “Claassen," which he himself used at the signing of the “ letter of secession." 36 PFARRER EDUARD WUEST [1818 - 1859] Eduard Hugo Otto Wuest was bom in Murrhardt, Wuerttemberg, Germany on February 23 , 1818. He was the son of Johann Jacob and Katharina Friederike Wuest, his father being an innkeeper and baker. Eduard was the youngest of five children, having three brothers and one sister. At the age of seven he prayed on his knees for the first time, together with his sister at the bedside of their sick father. When his father died Eduard’ s eldest brother, together with his mother tried to continue on with the family business. Early on his mother determined that he should enter the ministry, in preparation for which he went to the Latin school in Murrhardt. From 1832 to 1835 he attended the Gymnasium in Stuttgart. At first he studied hard, and prayed regularly, especially that he would be accepted into the seminary at Tuebingen, with good enough marks to go at government expense. Unfortunately he soon came into bad company, and with his friends led a rather irresponsible life, where little was learned. When he was examined after three years he did not qualify for the scholarship. His family nonetheless sent him to Tuebingen, feeling that they did not wish to waste the funds they had already invested in his education. So he went to seminary in 1835. Any hopes, however, that his behaviour would improve in Tuebingen were disappointed. Opportunities to avoid studies abounded, Eduard occupying himself with riding and travelling, drinking and playing. When the eldest Wuest son and daughter married, the mother was forced to give up the family business. Eduard had to return home because of lack of funds, without having written his examinations. He was initially taken in by his brother, who was Pfarrer in Mergentheim, then turned over to a Pfarrer Biermann in Elgersheim, under whose auspices he actually did some studying. Early in 1841 Eduard was called to Tuebingen for his theological examinations. Although his preparation was poor, he unexpectedly passed. The Biermann household had a serious Christian atmosphere, and before departing for his examinations the Pfarrer, among other advice, suggested that Eduard pray. This he did, for the first time in six years. After passing his examinations he did not immediately receive a posting, so he stayed with his brother in Mergentheim. In the autumn of 1841 Wuest was offered a position as assistant Pfarrer in Neunkirchen, near Mergentheim. Here his life underwent a complete change; he devoted time and effort to serious study and to preparation of sermons. He actively participated in the associated school, counselled the healthy, and visited the sick. In the autumn of 1843 he became assistant in his home town of Murrhardt, where he began associating with Pietists from Wuerttemburg. In 1844 he was appointed assistant minister at Rietenau, near Backnang. That same year he came to experience, through grace, forgiveness of sins and assurance of salvation. This, of course, directly affected his Pfarrer Eduard Wuest [1818-1859] 37 message. He developed into a fiery preacher, espousing repentance and God’s free grace, and deploring the lifestyle which had earlier harmed his own life. His pietistic zeal and his opposition to some practices of the church, together with his willingness to counsel and preach well beyond the specific borders of his parish, led to dismissal from his position at Rietenau. He moved to his mother’s home in Stuttgart, and continued to serve in Pietistic circles of the region. He met a Methodist minister, Wilhelm Nast from Cincinnati, Ohio, and for a time considered emigrating to the United States. Some of the Pietists from Wuerttemberg had moved to Ukraine in 1816 - 1822, settling north of the Sea of Azov, along the Berda River. They established the villages of Neuhoffhung, Neuhoffhungstal, Neustuttgart and Rosenfeld. In January of 1 845 the Neuhoffnung congregation, a separatist Lutheran brotherhood, invited Wuest to be pastor, and he accepted. After some delays and an arduous trip he delivered his inaugural sermon on September 28, 1 845. He presented Jesus Christ the crucified, and emphasized repentance, with a personal commitment to the truth. The church was packed. Among the many listeners were a number of Mennonites; they were impressed by Wuest’s scriptural and authoritative preaching. Wuest was in many ways a very talented man. He was tall and imposing, and quite corpulent. He had a resonant, booming voice. He was friendly, and those who dealt with him generally liked him. To his parishioners he was not the high and mighty Pfarrer, but a brother among brothers. His sermons were fiery and lively, he often spoke loudly and pounded on the pulpit. He used stories in his sermons, and at times asked the congregation to sing a verse or two of a hymn. He frequently used humour, and was a master at getting the immediate attention of the listener. When Wuest travelled to Russia he was already engaged to a young lady from Stuttgart, Pauline Liesching. She followed Eduard to Russia in 1 847, after which the couple was married. Pauline was a pious woman, very much of the mindset of her husband. It was after her arrival that the congregation sang in four part harmony, and mixed voice choirs were established. The couple had one child, a boy, who died at an early age. Pauline, even to her last days, defended the efforts of her husband. Despite being sickly for years, she died at a ripe old age, on Decemberl3, 1902. The powerful Christian convictions of Wuest made either good friends or strong enemies of those who came in contact with him. He exerted a strong influence on the surrounding Mennonites, particularly in the neighbouring Molotschna Colony, and those living in Berdyansk. As early as 1 846, and a number of times subsequently, he was invited to speak at missions festivals in Gnadenfeld. These festivals drew not only the Gnadenfeld congregation, but also concerned individuals from throughout the Molotschna. He was also involved in less formal meetings at the homes of Molotschna Mennonites on Saturday afternoons, of Berdyansk Mennonites on Saturday nights, where his contribution was devotional addresses and Bible exposition. His friends included Jakob Buhler and Leonhard Sudermann of Berdyansk, August Lenzmann and Friedrich Lange of Gnadenfeld and Abraham Matthies of Rudnerweide. Johann Claassen, Jakob Reimer and Jakob Becker, later key figures in the establishment of the Mennonite Brethren Church, attended many of his meetings. Becker reported that some people came to hear Wuest out of curiosity, but often left the meetings asking the question “What must I do to be saved?” Wuest was also invited to speak in surrounding Lutheran churches such as Grunau, and even ministered in Catholic constituencies near Mariupol. In 1849 he made an extensive trip, preaching in Kharkov, St. Petersburg and Reval. On at least one occasion he visited the Crimea. But Wuest’s powerful and very specific preaching, as well as his popularity with the rank and file of the congregations also aroused some opposition, perhaps fuelled to a considerable degree by envy. In time Wuest was barred from preaching from the pulpits of the neighbouring Lutheran and Mennonite churches as well as in private homes. This, however, did not stop him 38 from participating in the more unofficial devotional meetings, where he did not preach, but could certainly answer questions. A group within Wuest’s own congregation at Neuhoffnung exploited his emphasis on full and free grace. Leader of this group was a former teacher from the Mariupol area named Kappes, although there were also others, such as Joseph Hottmann. At a missions festival held in Rosenfeld in 1 858 Kappes led his group out of the meeting, singing and shouting, in protest against Wuest’s more moderate position. Kappes and his group withdrew from membership in the Neuhoffnung chinch in 1858. This group influenced some of the Mennonites who later became founders of the Mennonite Brethren Church, and particularly through Wilhelm Bartel seem to have contributed to the early emotional excesses practiced by the Brethren. Wuest was not a man with a profound and completely defined theology. Abraham Kroeker felt that his message regarding repentance and salvation was well presented , but that other scriptural truths were neglected. In his own congregation he definitely preached who was and who was not in the kingdom of God, but for the communion table he did not distinguish between believers and unbelievers. Like Luther, he could not bring himself to reject child baptism. Elder August Lenzmann of the Gnadenfeld Mennonite Church summed up his impressions “Pfarrer Wuest was undoubtedly a very talented, exceptional and blessed weapon in the hands of God... to the glory of God I acknowledge the memories of our brotherly fellowship.” He did lament that Wuest had gone overboard on “the free grace of God in Christ,” feeling that it may not have been the best nourishment for the uninitiated masses. There is no doubt, however, that Wuest played a significant role in the revival movement among the Mennonites in the mid nineteenth century, specifically influencing those who would later found the Mennonite Brethren Church in 1860, and those who led the Templar movement a few years later. Wuest was aware of some of his own shortcomings, but was nonetheless disappointed in the reactions of many of his colleagues. In the autumn of 1858 he became ill, and in the spring of 1 859 he took to his bed. His wife later reported that he had serious struggles, but eventually, in the last few days, was able to have a sense of victory and joy. Eduard Wuest died on July 13, 1 859 at the age of 41 years. His funeral was held the following Sunday, and was attended by a large number of Swabians, Russians and Mennonites, many travelling great distances. He was buried in the Neuhoffnung cemetery. The opponents of Wuest attributed his premature death to the judgement of God, his friends considered it to be deliverance from tribulation. Writer and publisher Abraham Kroeker commented “His memorial is the blessing he has been, and his work will not vanish. We thank the Lord, who brought him to Russia in such a wonderful way." Sources: Brandenburg, Hans, Eduard Wuest: Ein Bote Korntals in Suedrussland, Evangelischer Missionsverlag GmbH, Stuttgart, Germany, 1955, pp 1-16 Doerksen, Victor G. Eduard Wuest and Jerusalem, Mennonite Quarterly Review, April 1982 pp 169-178 Friesen, P. M., pp 168-186 Kroeker, A. Pfarrer Eduard Wuest: der grosse Erweckungsprediger in den deutschen Kolonien Suedrusslands, Selbstverlag, Spat near Simferopol, Russia, 1903, pp 1-116 Mennonite Encyclopedia Toews, J. A., pp 29-32 Mennonites traditionally called Eduard Wuest “Pfarrer.” In Wuerttemberg he was an assistant only; whether or not he was actually called a “Pfarrer” in Neuhoffiiung is not certain. 39 ELDER AUGUST LENZMANN [1823 - 1877] August Lenzmann was bom January 29, 1 823 , in Brenkenhofswalde, Prussia. His parents were originally Lutheran, but they, together with some others, joined the local Mennonite church. The local pastor was Wilhelm Lange. The Lenzmann family joined the migration when the group settled in the Molotschna, founding the village of Gnadenfeld. August’s teacher, both in Brenkenhofswalde and later in Gnadenfeld was Heinrich Franz. August was baptized on May 27, 1837. He was elected minister in 185 1, chosen as elder by a large majority in May of 1854, then ordained by Elder Bernhard Fast of the Ohrloff congregation in September. Fast considered Lenzmann to have been a pious, humble brother, who based his faith and hope on Jesus Christ. Lenzmann and Nikolai Schmidt, together with others such as Johann Claassen, were sponsors of a Bruderschule [Brotherhood School] which was founded in Gnadenfeld in 1857. This allowed education beyond the primary village school, and in 1859 acquired the right to train teachers. Initially the church had met in the village school, but in 1854, the year Lenzmann was ordained as elder, the congregation moved into a new sanctuary. When the winds of revival and reform began to blow in Gnadenfeld, Lenzmann seemed at first to be favourably disposed to renewal of life in the church. He was a friend of Eduard Wuest. In a note penned in 1 863 he could say “Pfarrer Wuest was undoubtedly a very talented, exceptional and blessed weapon in the hands of God., .to the glory of God I acknowledge the memories of our brotherly fellowship...” He did lament that Wuest went overboard on “the free grace of God in Christ,” feeling that it may not have been the best nourishment for the uninitiated masses. Those in the Gnadenfeld congregation who were agitating for reform, such as Johann Claassen and Jacob Reimer, thought well enough of Lenzmann to ask him to administer additional communion in their private homes. He denied the request, later stating that he considered such a request to be without historical precedent, that it would foster a spirit of pride, and could cause disunity in the church. The latter fear turned out to be well founded. In late November, 1859, a group of believers met in Elisabetthal in the home of Komelius Wiens. Without the consent of Lenzmann communion was held, Abraham Comelsen in charge. News of this event spread rapidly, and the members of the Flemish Church which had been present were immediately put under the ban. The six Gnadenfeld members were asked to appear before the ministers of the church, a meeting undoubtedly chaired by Lenzmann. They were asked to, and consented to submit in “all things not contrary to the Word of God and their conscience.” It appears that the ministers and Lenzmann would have been satisfied with this arrangement. There was, however, an extremely critical and vocal element in the Gnadenfeld congregation which demanded more action. There were two church membership meetings, on December 19 and 27, 1859, chaired by Lenzmann, in which the matter of the unofficial communion was discussed. At the meeting of 'I Elder August Lenzmann [1823-1877] 40 December 27 stormy discussion came to a climax when someone shouted “Away with them, they are no better than the others.” Jakob Reimer slowly went to the front of the church, and asked Elder Lenzmann if he could leave. Lenzmann reluctantly gave his consent. Jakob Reimer, Johann Claassen and about ten others left the meeting. This meeting, likely as painful to Lenzmann as to those who left, led to the formation of the Mennonite Brethren Church. When the elders of the Molotschna Mennonite churches condemned the secession of the Mennonite Brethren at their meeting in Alexanderwohl of January 18,1 860, Lenzmann was among the majority of five to sign the document. Virtually at the same time Elder Lenzmann, as one of the leading elders in the Molotschna Colony, was involved in trying to settle the Ohrloffer Gerstenstreit. This began as a simple dispute over a piece of land which had been rented to one man, who had sowed barley [ Gerste ] on it. The owner then rented the land to someone else. This resulted in accusations and counteraccusations involving the village authorities and the various officials of the Ohrloff church. Eventually a series of meetings was held, beginning in 1859, involving in particular Elders Benjamin Ratzlaff, Peter Wedel and August Lenzmann. A number of lengthy letters and reports to and from the elders travelled back and forth throughout 1860. In late 1860 the matter was turned over to the Fuersorgekomitee in Odessa for resolution. Lenzmann had further problems in his own congregation. Johann Lange, one of the teachers at the Bruderschule, held to and spread the views of the “Friends of Jerusalem” or “Temple” movement. Again there was a long drawn out struggle with religious and civil authorities, resulting in Lange’s imprisonment in Halbstadt in 1863. Eventually 20 Mennonites signed a document organizing the Evangelische Gemeinde of Gnadenfeld, which was the beginning of the Templer church. The two experiences of breakaways from his own church seem to have embittered Lenzmann. This gradually drove him into the fold of the sharpest critics of his former intimate friends, brothers with whom he initially seemed to agree. In an attempt at reconciliation the Mennonite Brethren Church sent Elder Abraham Schellenberg to visit Lenzmann early in the 1870s. Lenzmann attacked Schellenberg on the basis of his youth, and reminded him of the foolish, even sinful behaviour of some of the early Mennonite Brethren. He was moved to tears of anger. Schellenberg was also moved to tears. He replied that he himself had been insulted, and that the accusations about the church had been dealt with, and did not apply to the current membership. Thereupon Lenzmann replied “Then please forgive me, if I unjustly insulted you.” This was followed by a friendly invitation for coffee. Little is known of Lenzmann’ s private life, but he did have a son Hermann who became a leading educator among the Mennonites of the Molotschna. After an illness of a number of years August Lenzmann died on July 30, 1877. Historian P. M. Friesen was impressed by Lenzmann ’s personality, as being honourable and trustworthy. He considered him to have been one of the leading elders of the Russian Mennonite period. Sources: Friesen, P. M., pp 171, 173-186, 218, 219, 743 Isaac, Franz, Die Molotschnaer Mennoniten, H. J. Braun, Halbstadt, Russia, 1908, pp 123-155 Mennonite Encyclopedia Toews, J. A. pp 29, 32, 33, 39 41 JOHANN CLAASSEN [1820- 1876] Johann Claassen [Klaassen] was bom in Ohrlofferfelde, near Tiegenhof in West Prussia on July 27, 1820. His parents were David and Aganetha [Penner] Klaassen. His father died in Prussia in 1827. Very shortly thereafter the family, via covered wagon, migrated to South Russia. The Klaassens, consisting of the mother, Johann, and at least two older brothers, settled on a Kleinwirtschaft in the village of Liebenau, Molotschna. At the age of 14 Johann went to the Halbstadt Zentralschule, graduating at the age of 18. Several summers he worked for Johann Comies, going on buying and selling trips to Melitopol, Berdyansk and Simferopol. One summer he managed the sheep of Johann Comies. A year after graduation he and Cornelius Reimer opened a store in Liebenau, Cornelius was the clerk, Johann the wholesaler. Johann was a member of the Gnadenfeld Mennonite Church, and shared the excitement when new spiritual life became evident. He was particularly enthusiastic about the Lutheran Pfarrer Eduard Wuest after he arrived in 1 845, who inspired Lutherans, but also Mennonites in the area, especially in the Molotschna. Johann was one of those who participated in the founding of the Bruderschule in Gnadenfeld in 1857. It was to be a school which would offer better Christian training beyond the village school level, with special attention to gifted orphans. Claassen twice travelled to St. Petersburg to obtain recognition for the school as a teacher training institution for the Mennonites. There continued to be agitation, inspired in part by the preaching and teaching of Eduard Wuest, for renewal of spiritual life in the Gnadenfeld Mennonite Church. In late November of 1859 communion was held in the home of Komelius Wiens of Elisabetthal, with Abraham Comelsen in charge. When the elders heard of this meeting, the Flemish participants were immediately put under the ban. The Gnadenfeld members were reproved for their conduct, but not expelled. But this was not enough for the more critical element of the Gnadenfeld congregation. At meetings held December 1 9 and 27, 1 859, the whole new movement came under attack. Although neither had been at the private communion in question, Johann Claassen and Jakob Reimer were singled out for special scorn. At the December 27 meeting some members shouted “Away with them, they are no better than the others.” Jakob Reimer slowly walked up to the front and asked Elder Lenzmann if he could leave. Presumably Johann Claassen joined him in this painful trek. When it seemed that only Reimer and Claassen would leave the meeting, Heinrich Franz, who had opposed Claassen in matters regarding the Bruderschule , challenged Claassen “You are otherwise a courageous man; why don’t you call on your associates to follow you?” Claassen turned and said “Well brethren, whoever is like minded, come along.” About ten arose and left the church. After consultinganumberofpeopleClaassen called on Abraham Comelsen, school teacher in Elisabetthal, and the two agreed that Comelsen would write the letter of secession, and Claassen Johann Claassen [1820-1876] 42 would call a brotherhood meeting for Epiphany, January 6, 1 860. At the meeting held in the home of Isaak Koop of Elisabetthal the letter of secession was carefully studied, and after serious and prolonged prayer was signed by 18 family heads, including Johann Claassen. Johann Claassen, Abraham Comelsen and Jakob Koop were chosen as deputies for the new brotherhood. The original letter from the dissenting group had gone to the elders of the Molotschna Mennonite churches, but in a meeting of January 18, the matter was turned over to the colony administrator, David Friesen. He immediately demanded an accounting from the three representatives. Their explanation of the need to form their own church, because the present teachers did not act according to the Word of God, fell on deaf ears. On January 27 the Gebietsamt forbade religious meetings by the Brethren. The three deputies were called to the Fuersorgekomitee by Inspector Andrea. There Claassen, Comelsen and Koop signed a prepared statement on February 10, promising to refrain from further action until they received permission from government authorities. Even on the way home Claassen realized that this permission would never be granted, and he recognized that signing the document had been a mistake. The three brothers who had signed the document for Inspector Andrea did not play an active role in the specific organization of the church for some time, to be able to honestly fulfill their promise, but others were not similarly restrained. Johann, having made the acquaintance of government officials in the past, went to St. Petersburg in an attempt to obtain official sanction for the new group. He was afraid that his departure would be hindered by the colony authorities, so he left by horse, through his back garden, at 2 AM early on the morning of March 29. Having achieved very little, Claassen returned home and advised the brethren to hold an election, but to exclude himself and the other two representatives. The election, held in the home of Jakob Reimer on May 30, resulted in Heinrich Huebert and Jakob Becker being chosen to lead. At the end of November, 1 860, Johann returned to St. Petersburg in a further attempt to obtain recognition for the brotherhood. Finally on May 15, 1862, he presented a petition to the Czar, and received assurance that “ecclesiastical separation shall in no case incur a loss of civil rights or persecution by police authorities.” He hurried home with the good news. It had been felt for some time that it might be better for Mennonite Brethren to establish their own colony. On June 30 Johann turned right around, and with five other brethren went back to St. Petersburg to seek suitable land in the Caucasus region. He therefore became one of the founders of the Kuban settlement. On a tract of 6,500 dessiatines the village of Wohldemfuerst was established in 1863, although official permission to settle was not granted until March 4, 1864. Another village, Alexanderfeld, was founded in 1866. Some historians feel that it was unfortunate that Claassen did not play a more active role in the early years of the Mennonite Brethren, first because of the promise he had signed , then because of his prolonged trips to St. Petersburg. He returned to the Molotschna on a number of occasions, both from St. Petersburg and from the Kuban to help settle the controversy of the emotional excesses of the “joyful” faction. It may not have become a controversy if his steadying hand had been more readily available. On July 20, 1865, he returned to the Kuban, where both he and Heinrich Huebert had moved. In 1869 he was elected Oberschulze of the colony. In this capacity he travelled to Vladikavkas in 1 87 1 to a reception of Czar Alexander II. Later he received a silver medal in 1 872, and a gold medal in 1874. He also received a gold watch from the government in recognition of his services to the colonization of Russia. Johann had married Katharina Reimer [daughter of David Reimer of Felsenthal, sister of Jakob Reimer, later Johann’s co-worker in the Mennonite Brethren Church], the wedding being on January 31, 1847. He was 26 at the time, she 21 years. The Claassen couple had a total of ten 43 children, of whom at least six died in infancy or early childhood. David, bom in 1855, lived to be 70, Maria, bom in 1860 reached the age of 16. Wife Katharina died July 25, 1869 in the Kuban Colony. Johann married again, to Catharina Schmidt, on March 1, 1870. She was 1 8 years of age [he was 49], and bom in the Chortitza Colony. The couple had five additional children, only one dying in early childhood, the rest reaching ages of 21 to 39. Johann Claassen died December 24, 1 876 in Wohldemfuerst, Kuban Colony, at the age of 56. His second wife Catharine outlived him by 38 years, dying in Com, Oklahoma, in 1915. Historian P. M. Friesen rated Johann Claassen very' highly, considering him to have been one of the great contributors to the cause of the Mennonites in Russia. Sources: Friesen, P. M„ pp 293, 297-303, 334-374 Klassen, Elizabeth Suderman, Trailblazer for the Brethren, Herald Press, Scottdale, USA, and Kitchener, Canada, 1978, pp 13-306 Mennonite Encyclopedia Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 19, 119 Toews, J. A., pp 29, 33, 35, 40, 44-49, 52, 53, 55, 56, 59, 60, 62-64, 75, 76, 366 JAKOB DAVID REIMER [1817-1891] Jakob David Reimer was bom on January 29, 1817, in Kronsgarten, in the Ekaterinoslav area. He was the son of David Peter and Maria [Neufeld] Reimer, and the eldest of six children. Katharina, the next oldest, bom in 1825, was later wife of Johann Claassen, and Cornelius, bom in 1827, was also an early Mennonite Brethren. In 1 820, when Jakob was three, the family moved to Felsenthal, an estate which his father developed as a tree nursery, along the Molochnaya River. He was a close friend of his teacher at Felsenthal, Heinrich Franz I, and followed him to Gnadenfeld for one year, likely 1835. In Gnadenfeld Jakob was admitted to the Mennonite Church by baptism. He would have preferred the mode of immersion, rather than sprinkling or pouring, having been convinced of this in 1837 by a biography he read about the life of the famous missionary, Ann Judson. Jakob was an active participating member of the congregation. Together with Elder August Lenzmann, Johann Claassen and others he was one of the sponsors of the Bruderschule which was established in Gnadenfeld in 1857. He later also sponsored the Armenschule. Jakob was inspired by the revival preaching of Eduard Wuest in the late 1840s, and promoted it on an extensive trip he made throughout South Russia with Johann Claassen and Wilhelm Bartel in 1853. He attended Missionfests in Gnadenfeld and Neuhoffnung, where Wuest often spoke. He was a regular attender at Saturday afternoon meetings held in Molotschna homes, and wrote that the purpose was “to strengthen one another in our common faith, and to exhort each other to walk and work worthy of our position as members of the body of Christ.” These meetings were often attended by Wuest, even after he was banned from preaching; he could not preach, but did answer questions. The number of those wishing for revival grew, together with the desire for more intimate fellowship . Reimer was among those who requested that Elder Lenzmann administer communion to their group “as our fellowship based itself more and more upon the Word of God.” The request was denied. Some believers met in late November, 1859, in Elisabetthal, in the home of Komelius Wiens, and participated in communion, Abraham Comelsen in charge. When news of the event spread, the six Flemish church members who had participated were put under the ban, the Gnadenfeld members were reproved. However at Gnadenfeld membership meetings of December 19 and 27, the whole new movement was attacked, and even though they had not been present at the controversial communion, Jakob Reimer and Johann Claassen came in for particularly heavy criticism. At the December 27 meeting some members shouted “Away with them, they are no better than the others.” Jakob Reimer slowly walked up to the front and asked Elder Lenzmann if he could leave. Lenzmann reluctantly gave his consent. Eventually Jakob, Johann Claassen and about ten others left the meeting. As a result of this episode Johann Claassen organized a meeting of the fellowship for Epiphany, January 6, 1860, where a letter of secession was studied, and signed by those who wished to. Claassen and 17 other family heads signed this document, but not Jakob Reimer. It is quite evident, however, that he was part of the original group. He was one of the 33 who signed an explanatory note directed to the church hierarchy dated March 19, 1860. When, having signed a document that they would not proceed further without government consent, the three representatives of the group, including Johann Claassen, felt that they could not participate in church governance. But there needed to be some leadership, so an election was 45 called. It appears that Jakob Reimer, perhaps through his association with Felsenthal, was probably quite wealthy, and had one of the larger houses in Gnadenfeld. The election of May 30, 1860 was held in his house, and church services were held in his house and Scheune [machine shed]. Jakob was among the 27 brethren who cast ballots on the leadership, each person having two votes. He voted for Heinrich Huebert [who became elder, having 24 votes], and Andreas Voth [ who was not chosen, coming third with 1 1 votes]. Some time later, in 1 863, it became evident that Jakob Becker [who was second with 16 votes], could not continue, so Jakob Reimer was chosen to assist Heinrich Huebert. A question which was not initially controversial became more and more of an issue over the next few years. Jakob Reimer had felt all along since his baptism into the Mennonite Church that immersion was the preferred form. This was also the practice of some of the Baptist churches. For further research Jakob Becker and Reimer discussed this mode with Minister Alf, senior of the German Baptist preachers in Russia. Increasingly, immersion became the preferred method of baptism among the Mennonite Brethren. On September 23, 1860, Jakob Becker and Heinrich Bartel baptized each other. In the spring of 1 86 1 full immersion baptism was favoured, with Heinrich Huebert being baptized, then Jakob Reimer on May 21. By 1 862 immersion baptism was considered to be obligatoiy for church membership and participation in communion. Because they did not agree with this new development, four of the original 1 8 who signed the letter of secession withdrew from the Mennonite Brethren. A more distressing and damaging struggle was the question of “ Die Froehliche Richtung”[The Happy or Joyful Faction]. There had been segments of Wuest’s church with these leanings, and Wilhelm Bartel helped to introduce this tendency among the Mennonite Brethren. In the absence of Johann Claassen [who was in St. Petersburg for extended periods of time], and with the weak leadership of Heinrich Huebert, a group led by Benjamin Becker, Bernhard Penner and Gerhard Wieler became virtual dictators. They introduced joyful loud music, dancing and kissing [both the brother and the sister kiss], and generally tended to be very emotional. Jakob all along was very critical of this group, and let it be known. In a letter to Johann Claassen he complained “I will no longer tolerate the kind of noise [Laerm] which occurred in my machine shed on Sunday, May 28. ..I stay away from the large gatherings because I am uncomfortable there... and am convinced it is not the Pharisee that warns me against such heathen activities, but the Word of God.” The movement gathered momentum autumn 1861 to spring 1862, then again in 1863 and 1864. The leaders of the Froehliche Richtung used the ban [excommunication] as a threat, and “gave people over to the Devil.” They burned Christian books that they did not agree with. Then they took discipline a step further, according to Reimer “even the non-participation in the expressions of joy, which developed into formal dancing, and wild music with kettle drums was cause for excommunication, because silence also preaches.” It seems that even Johann Claassen at times thought Jakob was too critical of the movement, although in her letters his own wife seemed to agree with Reimer. In December of 1 864 Jakob, his wife and daughter were excommunicated without a hearing, even Elder Heinrich Huebert was set aside. Finally, enough was enough. Some of the Molotschna brethren called Johann Claasen from Jakob Reimer [1817-1891] 46 the Kuban, and together, for two and a half months [May 4 to July 20, 1865], the situation was discussed. The “June Reform” was the result. It condemned and rectified many of the excesses of the “wild manifestations of joy,” and reinstated Heinrich Huebert, Jakob Reimer and others who had been wrongfully excommunicated. It was felt by historian P. M. Friesen that after the work of this reform neither Johann Claassen nor Jakob Reimer regained their former influence within the Mennonite Brethren Church. He does credit Reimer with being the one who broke up the wave of the “Hoppers” [Huepferei], despite the fact that the wave tried to, and almost succeeded in destroying him. In the meantime Reimer had participated in the exploration of the Kuban area in August of 1 862 as a potential colony site for the Mennonite Brethren. On June 3, 1864 he and his family left for the Kuban on three wagons, arriving there on June 20. Circumstances were very difficult. They moved their belongings into a simlin [a sod hut], then started to work. In a letter written July 5 it is obvious that the Reimers were discouraged. Among the difficulties was the feeling that his relationship with Johann Claassen was not the best “...for he was too domineering.” September 16 the Reimers packed up and headed for home, arriving back October 7, 1864. Very soon thereafter the Reimers moved to Friedensfeld, near Andreasfeld, where they rented land. Then they helped found Blumenau, which was also near Andreasfeld, where they first rented, then owned land. On July 4, 1865, after Reimer had already left the Molotschna, he and a number of other brothers were invited back to a conference to be held in Ladekopp. There he met privately with Johann Claassen, and they had a reconciliation, both privately and about church matters. There was a general time of prayer and forgiving. This was soon after the “June Reform,” so the various excommunicated members were likely restored to the church, including Reimer. Reimer also participated in the first foreign mission festival held by the Mennonite Brethren, in Neu-Halbstadt, in the spring of 1 867. At the festival a young man expressed a desire to be baptized, and Jakob Reimer was asked to preside. The baptism was held in the Molochnaya River at Halbstadt. The young man’s father complained to the Molotschna elders, and then to the government authorities, but in time the furor died down. In a few years the father and his whole family became members of the Mennonite Brethren Church. Generally Reimer travelled less and less in his latter years, but in October of 1875 he and Abraham Unger visited the Kuban. After having covered the 900 verst distance by train they spent their time preaching and visiting homes. In 1880 Reimer left Blumenau, likely because the village was disintegrating. He established Wiesenfeld, together with his sons, his son-in-law and a number of brethren from Chortitza. This village was also near Andreasfeld, in the Pavlograd area, Ekaterinoslav Province, 15 verst from the railroad station Saizevo on the Sevastopol line. Here he worked quietly, ever striving to establish a gentle, milder brotherhood, “Where everything rotates around the centre, Jesus Christ.” In 1885 Wiesenfeld was listed as an affiliate of the Einlage church, the congregation worshipping in the school. Jakob kept a diary during the formative years of the Mennonite Brethren Church, which P. M. Friesen considered to be a very accurate and surprisingly dispassionate portrayal of events. Reimer likely participated in the 25 year celebrations of the Mennonite Brethren Church held in 1885, writing a summary of the history for the occasion. At this time neither of these documents has been found, although many passages of the diary are directly quoted by P. M. Friesen. In 1886 P. M. Friesen visited Reimer in Wiesenfeld. They had a long intimate visit wandering through the garden, where there were many interesting trees; Reimer described them as his “children” which never disappointed him. 47 Jakob Reimer married Wilhelmine Augustine Strauss on February 16, 1 839 in Gnadenfeld. She was daughter of Gottlieb Strauss, one of the early members of the Mennonite Brethren Church. Roughly at the same time Jakob acquired a Vollwirtschaft [full farm] in Gnadenfeld. The couple had 12 children, ten sons and two daughters. At least three sons died in early childhood [two of them named David]. Their fourth child and eldest daughter, Maria, was bom on February 24, 1 844. She married Johann Franz Martens, starting a family tree which now has numerous descendants in Canada. The accounts of the founding of Wiesenfeld mention Jakob establishing it together with his sons and son-in-law, so he must have had at least two sons who survived into adulthood and who moved with him. The Reimers were quite hospitable - early Mennonite Brethren functions are sometimes mentioned as being in their house or Scheune. In Wiesenfeld Wilhelmine also invited women to their home to pray for, and make items to help the poor. Twelve days before his death Jakob was visited by Elder Aron Lepp and four other leading brethren from the Einlage church, brothers with whom he had worked in the Kingdom of God for 25 years. They had a meaningful discussion and celebrated communion with him and members of his family. Jakob David Renner died on November 13, 1891 in Wiesenfeld, at the age of 74. His wife had died two years earlier, November 11, 1889. P. M. Friesen commented that Reimer never did find the ideal he was looking for through the secession of 1 860, but had, despite there being some rough edges, learned to love many of the brothers with whom he had disagreed. Sources: Friesen, P. M., pp 86, 87, 169, 201, 225, 232-234, 236, 241, 242, 295, 296, 336, 345, 348, 362, 364, 367, 368, 377, 388-392, 403, 404, 420, 439, 449, 450 Hubbard, Ethel Daniels, Ann of Ava, Friendship Press, New York, USA, 1941 This is the story of the Ann Hasseltine Judson [1789-1826], missionary to Burma. The German version of the story must have details about her life not included in this English biography. In Ann of Ava there is absolutely no mention of baptism in any form, either in her personal life or on the mission field. Loewen, Harry, Echos of Drumbeats: The Movement of Exuberance Among the Mennonite Brethren, Journal of Mennonite Studies, 1985, pp 1 18-127 Mennonite Encyclopedia Pauls, Hugo [great-great-grandson of Jakob Reimer], Pauls Family Tree and Archives Peters, Alan, Brotherhood and Family: Implications of Kinship in Mennonite Brethren History, in P. M. Friesen & his History, edited by Abraham Friesen, Center for Mennonite Brethren Studies, Fresno, USA, 1979, pp 41, 42 Reimer, J. C., Wiesenfelder Missionsstunden, Mennonitische Rundschau, 25 March 1953, pp 2, 3 Toews, J. A., pp 31-33, 52, 55, 59, 60, 62, 64, 366 Gottlieb Strauss, the father of Jakob Reimer’s wife, Wilhelmine, was one of the early members of the Mennonite Brethren Church, signing the explanatory letter to the Molotschna elders on March 19, 1860. He originally lived in Prussia and was a Lutheran.. It is mentioned that in his earlier years he was in the Prussian army under the command of General Bluecher, fighting against the French. Bluecher’s Prussian army played a significant role in the outcome of the Battle of Waterloo. It is quite possible that Gottlieb Strauss fought in that battle! 48 10. INTER-MENNONITE FAITH CONFERENCE IN RUECKENAU SEPTEMBER 6, 1875 Various Mennonite groups were invited to attend a conference to be held in Rueckenau, Molotschna on September 6, 1875. Elder Abraham Schellenberg of the Rueckenau congregation of the Mennonite Brethren seems to have organized the conference. It was meant to discuss a number of items concerning the faith on a Biblical basis. The Mennonite Brethren church building was filled to capacity with “brethren” from various Molotschna churches and even some from the Chortitza Colony. Besides Mennonite Brethren other church leaders mentioned attending were teacher and evangelist Bernhard Harder of the Ohrloff-Halbstadt Mennonite Church, and Abraham Peters of Friedensruh, who several years later travelled to central Asia with Klaas Epp. Ministers Richert and Gaeddert of the Alexanderwohl Mennonite Church, while considered by the reporter to be true believers, were not present. The principle of discussing various tenets of faith in a calm and kind manner was adhered to; the conversations were not in a contentious or confrontational tone. Under the leadership of Elder Abraham Schellenberg a number of subjects were broached, and conclusions reached. The topics were basically the burning issues of the day. Prayer was discussed at some length. Should it be audible or silent? What form should prayer take? May women pray at public meetings? The reporter mentions the questions asked, but strangely does not inform the reader [and now more than a century later, us] of the conclusions reached! Baptism was also discussed. Having been a contentious issue since the time of the Reformation, it still remained a point on which Mennonite groups disagreed. The brethren tried, on the basis of God’s will as expressed in the Word, to come to the unbiased truth. The conclusion seems to have been that it is essential to be baptized upon belief in the Lord Jesus Christ, and to follow the practices of the apostles. One could not prove the opposite from the Word of God. After considerable further discussion Bernhard Harder got up , and presumably addressing those from his own Mennonite Church said roughly as follows: “What do you think, my brothers? Should the Lord actually wish us to be baptized in a river, would we then not consent to do it? I for my part would be willing. What do you think?” To observers it seemed that the participants were not taking Harder’s remarks to heart, although a number did take his admonition seriously. Some of those present did become convinced of the validity of baptism on confession of faith, for when in 1876 a total of 80 people were baptized and joined the Mennonite Brethren Church, among them were many who had attended the conference. Bernhard Harder himself, however, remained a member of the Mennonite Church. While not directly stated in the reports it appears obvious that the principal arguments presented at the conference favoured baptism on confession of faith, the mode being immersion in running water. This would be in direct opposition to automatic baptism at a certain age [often just before marriage, since the church did not 49 marry non-members], with the mode of sprinkling, as practiced by the Mennonite Church. At the end of the conference it was decided to organize another similar event for November 29 that same year. One reporter, Abraham Unger, from the Einlage Mennonite Brethren Church, could see no harm in these conferences for his church for, he mused, “through the way of love truth must prevail, and the Word of God is truth.” Sources: Friesen, P. M., pp 409, 410 Toews, J. A., p 82 Background Information: Elder Abraham Schellenberg [see Parting of Ways] Bernhard Elarder 50 BERNHARD HARDER [1832- 1884] Participant in the Inter-Mennonite Faith Conference in Rueckenau Bernhard Harder was bom in Halbstadt on March 25, 1832, the eighth of nine children of Abraham and Marie Harder. His father died when he was eleven years of age, so his mother made a strong impression on him in his early years, but also throughout his life. The family was likely landless, living on the edge of poverty. As a child Bernhard felt the call to teach and preach, sometimes practicing his preaching techniques on unwilling playmates. At the age of ten Bernhard entered the newly established Zentralschule in Halbstadt. Since his family was poor, he was a “church pupil,” that is, he was educated at public expense. One of his teachers, Johann Voth, encouraged his interest in poetry by sometimes allowing him to do his written assignments in poetic form. Rather than fighting a bully. Teacher Voth suggested that Bernhard write a poem about him. This was then read in class. Despite his often negative experiences at the school, he graduated in six years, then was appointed apprentice secretary at the Gebietsamt [county office]. He needed to do this to repay his free education by serving the community. Bernhard finally achieved his dreams when he was appointed as teacher, a profession he followed for 26 years. His postings included Juschanlee, Halbstadt, Blumstein [twice], Friedensruh and Alexanderwohl. Bernhard’s teaching skills may not have been exceptional, but his relationship with students was excellent. He is described as having a progressive attitude and a lively, yet spiritual orientation. He was trusting, sometimes naive, making discipline a problem in his classes. In 1860, during the time Bernhard was teacher at Halbstadt, he was elected as minister by the Halbstadt-Ohrloff Mennonite Church. The final vote between ministerial candidates was a tie, the successful Bernard being chosen by lot. He accepted his position with enthusiasm. He was influenced in his theology and preaching techniques by Elder Bernhard Fast, Ludwig Hofacker [he memorized at least ten of his sermons], and Pfarrer Eduard Wuest. Wuest had a particular influence on Bernhard, playing a role in his original conversion around 1850, then later being an example of preaching methods to be emulated. Bernhard had no official religious training, but read extensively in theology and church history; he read devotional material and literature pertaining to preaching. He broke with the tradition of reading prescribed sermons, often shifting into Low German as he ignored the text and spoke with enthusiasm from the heart. He preached with his entire being, and with a thundering voice. He travelled widely throughout the Mennonite colonies, bringing his message of salvation to many a soul. Historian P. M. Friesen described his preaching as “very convincing, with soaring poetry , infused with burning love for the Saviour and the sinner.” Friesen considered him to be the greatest evangelist and pulpit orator the Mennonites in Russia had produced. Bernhard’s contribution to the spiritual life of the Mennonites, he thought, was comparable to that of Johann Comies in the economic realm. There were, however, some critics. The Mennonite Church [ Kirchliche ] did not appreciate Bernhard Harder [1832-1884] 51 his strong evangelistic thrust, and his frequent defence of the Mennonite Brethren positions, while the Mennonite Brethren wondered why he did not join them! The faith conference held in Rueckenau in 1875 illustrates this seeming paradox, where he basically seemed to agree with the Mennonite Brethren on the discussion of baptism, but did not leave his own church because of this. In 1872 Bernhard gave up teaching to be a full time travelling evangelist, supported by a group of friends. Then he again taught school for three years in Alexanderwohl, after which he was secretary of the Gebietsamt from 1 879 to 1 880. He taught Bible for one year in his old alma mater, the Halbstadt Zentrals chide, before beginning another stint as travelling evangelist. During this time four months of each year were spent contributing to his own congregation in Halbstadt. He also visited Mennonites in far flung areas, the Volga region in 1868 and Prussia in 1873. Bernhard periodically represented Mennonites in various capacities. In 1867 and again in 1882 he went to St. Petersburg, dealing with Mennonite emigration to Turkestan. In 1879, when he was with the Gebietsamt, he twice went to Odessa to speak to Count Eduard von Totleben about Mennonite alternative service. Probably Bernhard’s most unique contribution, however, was his writing. He was prolific, writing literally hundreds of poems for special occasions such as birthdays and family celebrations. He also penned serious poetry reflecting his joys and sorrows, his spiritual journey and his hopes. His literary output included many songs. He did not compose music, but would write the words with a specific melody in mind. Much of his work, 539 poems and 584 songs, was collected and edited by Heinrich Franz. It was published in 1888 under the title “ Geistliche Lieder und GelegenheitsgedichteG His son Peter also collected and edited a collection of 2 1 3 songs, published as uKleines Liederbuch. Geistliche Gelegenheitslieder in 1902. The “Gesangbuch der Mennoniten Bruedergemeinde ,” published in 1955, still included eleven of Bernhard’s songs, all for special occasions. Six were in the “Engagement” section, four were for weddings, and the best known, “Z)/e Zeit ist kurz, o Mensch, sei weise! "[Time is short, o soul be wise] is for funerals. Bernhard married Katharina Boschmann on March 16, 1854. The couple had eleven children, four of whom predeceased him. Economics was not Bernhard’s strong point, so the family most often lived with meagre resources. Being somewhat naive, he sometimes gave away what the family actually needed for sustenance! Katharina died in 1878 at the age of 46, and the following year Bernhard married Helena Ewert. This union was blessed with three additional daughters. Helena proved to be a good household manager, so the finances of the family improved somewhat. Bernhard’s children included Gerhard, who later wrote a biography of his father, and Peter, an author on his own right, who published a book of Bernhard’s songs. Bernhard continued working right to the end. He held an evangelistic campaign lasting a week in the Sagradovka Colony, preaching three times a day, often at different places each day. He returned home by steamship on September 27, 1884, ill with pneumonia. He died a few days later, on October 1, at the age of 52. Friends erected a monument in Bernhard’s honour in the Neu- Halbstadt cemetery. One side had a black cross on a massive base with the inscription “Faith, Hope, Love.” This was a fitting encapsulation of Bernhard Harder’s life. Sources: Friesen, P. M., pp 87, 138, 139, 409, 410, 711, 743-754 Gesangbuch der Mennoniten Bruedergemeinde, 1955, Songs number 453, 482, 484, 485, 486, 487,488,494, 496,499, 501 Goerz, H., Die Molotschnaer Ansiedlung, Echo-Verlag, Steinbach, Canada, 1950\51, pp 166, 167 Harder, Leland, The Harder Family Review, Issue 4, October 1988, pp 1-14 Mennonite Encyclopedia Toews, J. A., pp 20, 36, 44, 66, 82, 84, 95 52 11. PARTING OF WAYS Farewell at the Mennonite Brethren Church in Rueckenau on May 6, 1 879 After the defeats of the Crimean War, the Russian government decided to improve the organization of the military. One of the changes was to implement universal conscription. Mennonites quickly recognized the danger this posed to their long held principle of non-resistance. Delegations were sent to St. Petersburg for clarification and possible negotiation. It soon became apparent that some form of service to the government was going to become mandatory. At the same time the government was actively pursuing a program of Russification. Official government business was to be conducted in Russian. The principal language of instruction in all schools was to be Russian. Some Mennonites felt that government service could be negotiated, and that a non¬ military option was acceptable under certain circumstances. Eventually a forestry service [Forstei] was established and implemented in 1880. The Russification program was not negotiable, so the Mennonites made special efforts to add instruction of German and Religion to the school curriculum. A significant number of Mennonites felt, however, that no form of service to the government was acceptable. Russification was the thin edge of the wedge to eliminate minorities and their rights. In 1873 a delegation of twelve men visited Manitoba and the central states to assess North America as a possible new home. Despite attempts by the government, through General Eduard Totleben, to disuade them, from a quarter to a third of the Mennonites emigrated. From 1874 to 1884 about 10,000 went to the United States, about 8,000 to Manitoba. * * * Mennonite Brethren were among those who participated in the emigration to North America, eventually about one third of the membership migrating to the United States. They had concerns that they might lose their scriptural and historical heritage, especially that of non-resistance. Abraham Schellenberg had been elected elder of the Molotschna congregation based in Rueckenau in 1875. He was active, travelled widely, and influenced the Mennonite Brethren Church throughout Russia. He decided that his task in Russia had been completed, and that the Lord had a new assignment for him in America. He also expressed some concern that in time religious freedom of “alien groups “ in Russia would be curtailed. None-the-less the remaining members of his own church felt somewhat abandoned when their elder as well as some of the other ministers such as Johann Regier of Klippenfeld and Johann Poettker of Fuerstenau left the flock. The membership was also aware of the fact that the leadership of other congregations, such as the Einlage Mennonite Brethren Church, by and large remained in Russia. 53 Schellenberg did try to make appropriate arrangements for the continuance of the leadership in the Molotschna Mennonite Brethren Church. On April 15,1 878 Franz Nickel and David Schellenberg [younger brother of Abraham] were ordained as ministers. At a church membership meeting held December 27, 1878, Johann J. Fast of Fuerstenau was named “Elder Representative”[^eftas7erverAe/er ], and Jakob Dirksen of Muensterberg as his assistant. * * * As the time for departure neared a farewell ceremony was organized in the Rueckenau church for May 6, 1879. Four official sermons were on the agenda. Jakob Dirksen, representing those remaining, spoke, using John 16:32-33 as text “But a time is coming, and has come, when you will be scattered ...Yet I am not alone, for my Father is with me ... .” Johann Poettker replied for the departing group using Revelation 2: 10 for his sermon “Do not be afraid of what you are about to suffer ...Be faithful, even to the point of death, and I will give you the crown of life.” Elder Abraham Schellenberg, also departing, preached on John 14:19 “...Because I live, you also will live.” Klaas Enns, remaining, among other thoughts, used the text Matthew 26:54 “But how then would the scriptures be fulfilled that say it must happen in this way?” A number of departing people made additional comments. Likely with the two and one half tribes of Israel in mind who departed to their own territory across the Jordan River, the departing group was then asked if they would make a public pledge of their loyalty to the Lord. They confirmed their resolution by standing up. Thereupon Abraham Schellenberg asked those remaining the same question. They also stood up. The last farewells were said on May 1 5, 1 879 at the Michailovka train station. At this open air ceremony there were sermons and prayers by each of the groups. In all 42 families, or one third of the church membership, departed with Abraham Schellenberg, leaving about 200 members behind. * * * According to David Schellenberg the remaining church members felt like a young bird abandoned by its mother, like orphans without anyone to lead. But then, continued Schellenberg, they pulled together, with everyone serving according to the gifts God had given. Additional workers were ordained on June 1, 1880 - Wilhelm Loewen and Klaas Enns. They, together with previously appointed ministers and deacons worked as a team with Johann Fast to serve the church. Unfortunately minister Jakob Dirksen and deacon Johann Kliewer moved away to Herzenberg. New deacons were appointed, Johann Huebert of Blumstein, Johann Koop of Pordenau, Heinrich Loewen of Alexanderkrone and Peter Boese of Tiegenhagen. During this time Johann Wieler was appointed teacher at the Zentralschule in Halbstadt, and soon helped with the proclamation of the Word. In 1881 the need was felt for an elder, and on 54 April 14 David Schellenberg was elected, receiving 1 12 of the possible 130 votes cast. He was ordained on May 23, 1882. Attendance at the Rueckenau church services was increasing, making it necessary to expand. In the summer of 1883, under the supervision of Johann Koop of Fuerstenau, a beautiful solid brick sanctuary was constructed. Membership grew. In 1884 and 1885 there were revivals in Waldheim, Margenau and Spat in the Crimea, all areas served by the Rueckenau church. In 1884 there were 84 new members, in 1885 this increased to 171 ! Even Abraham Schellenberg, while on a visit back to Russia in 1886\87, was surprised at the phenomenal growth of the church. He almost expressed a desire to move back - and would have if “home, duty and interest” did not call him back to the United States. * * * The Rueckenau church members departing likely travelled by train to Antwerp, where they boarded the S. S. Switzerland, arriving in Philadelphia on June 24, 1879. The Schellenberg family, Abraham, Katharina and five children are on the passenger list. Johann Regier with young wife Maria [Abraham Schellenberg’s sister] and four children are listed as well as Johann Poettker, wife Elisabeth and six children. The group did not settle as a block in the United States. The Regier family became established in Boone County, Nebraska. Twelve adults, among them Elder Abraham Schellenberg, arrived in Kansas July 4, and began participating in the Harvey, Reno and McPherson County Mennonite Brethren affairs. On August 1 0 Schellenberg was elected elder of the Ebenezer congregation. The church was blessed, there was a revival and 26 new members were baptized. On November 5 it was decided, despite the poverty of most members, to build a new church the following year. The Molotschna church sent 200 Rubles to help in the building program. Sources: Friesen, P. M., pp 412-415, North America pp 3-5 Gislason, Leona Wiebe, Rueckenau, Toronto, Canada, 1998, pp 71, 86 Hiebert, Clarence, Brothers in Deed to Brothers in Need, Faith and Life Press, Newton, USA, 1974, p 360 Huebert, H. T., Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, pp 88-92, 98 Toews, J. A., pp 80, 81 , 83 Background Information: Elder Abraham Schellenberg Elder David Schellenberg [see Dedication Service at the Lugovsk Mennonite Brethren Church] 55 ELDER ABRAHAM SCHELLENBERG [1845-1920] Elder of the Molotschna [Rueckenau] Mennonite Brethren Church Abraham Schellenberg was bom August 29, 1845, in Halbstadt, Molotschna Colony. His parents were Abraham and Maria [Pauls] Schellenberg. He was the third bom of 13 children, though the first to survive beyond childhood. David [later elder of the Rueckenau church] and Maria [later wife of Johann Regier] were younger siblings. Early in Abraham’s life the family moved to Tiegerweide, then to Tiege. He went to highschool [ Vereinsschule] in Ohrloff, where Hermann Janzen was his teacher. At the age of 1 5 he began working in his father’s cloth dying shop. In 1864, at the age of 19, Abraham was converted and joined the Mennonite Brethren Church. He very soon became active in the Molotschna congregation, and in the summer of 1 869 was appointed as “teacher-helper.” He, even at a young age, must have been a diplomat, for in the early 1870s the Mennonite Brethren Church asked him to seek a reconciliation with August Lenzmann of the Gnadenfeld Mennonite Church. Many of the original 1 8 Mennonite Brethren who seceded from the Mennonite Church had been members of that congregation. Heinrich Huebert was the leading elder of the Molotschna Mennonite Brethren, but when he moved to the Kuban in the summer of 1873 Abraham Schellenberg was elected as “Elder Representative.” He had, since his appointment in 1 869, gradually assumed more and more of the teaching and leadership role in the church. In the autumn of 1 875 Abraham was elected elder, and was officially ordained by Elder Huebert in the spring of 1 876. Showing his concern for the wider Mennonite community, Schellenberg had already organized and chaired an Inter-Mennonite Faith Conference [Algemeine Konferenz ] late in the fall of 1875. Various Mennonite groups discussed common concerns, such as prayer and baptism. Abraham travelled extensively and preached effectively. He participated in various ceremonies in which the presence of an elder was required, for example the ordination of Jakob Jantz as elder of the newly organized Friedensfeld church in 1875. When the Russian government seemed about to implement universal conscription and introduced Russification, Abraham felt it was time to move on. He had concerns that religious freedom of “alien groups” might in the future be compromised in Russia. It seems that his energy and capacity for leadership may also have caused slight friction in the Rueckenau hierarchy. He therefore felt that his task in Russia was completed, and that there were new horizons in America. So Abraham with family, together with some of the other leaders of the church such as Johann Poettker of Fuerstenau and Johann Regier of Klippenfeld and about one third of the Rueckenau congregation, planned to emigrate to the United States. Abraham prepared the way by ensuring that there would be leadership in place after his departure. A number of ministers were elected in 1878, and Johann J. Fast was named “Elder Representative”. After a farewell at the church on May 6, 1 879, at which Abraham was one of the four main speakers, the group left from the Michailovka train station on May 15, 1879. The Schellenbergs, and likely the whole group, travelled by train to Antwerp, boarded the S. S. Switzerland , and sailed to Philadelphia, arriving on June 24. The passenger list mentions Abraham [age 33], wife Katharina [31], and children Abraham [9], Katharina [8], Peter [7], Maria [3], and Elisabeth [1], From Philadelphia the trip continued by train to the central states. Twelve of the group from the Rueckenau church, including Abraham, arrived in Kansas on July 4, 1879. Schellenberg himself settled on a farm south-west of Moundridge. The Ebenezer 56 Mennonite Brethren Church had been established in that region of Kansas in 1 878. No sooner had Abraham arrived when he was elected elder of that congregation on August 10, 1879, a position he held for 30 years. Under his leadership the Ebenezer church flourished, and was one of the strongest congregations in the Mennonite Brethren Conference. Abraham’s work again extended well beyond his own congregation. He was elected conference moderator 18 times between 1880 and 1900. He served as itinerant minister and Bible expositor, and participated in many functions where ministers and elders were commissioned. Abraham was interested in foreign missions and was chairman of the Foreign Mission Board for years. He urged the establishment of the official conference publication Zionsbote, and the founding of a publishing house. He was chairman of the Publications Committee of the conference for years. Abraham was concerned about the spiritual welfare of children, urging Sunday School attendance, and encouraged the founding of Tabor College in Hillsboro, Kansas. During this time Schellenberg was obviously still interested in his old home church. He made at least one, possibly two, extended trips to Russia in the late 1 880s. It was said that he had been present as a guest at the twenty-five year jubilee celebrations of the Mennonite Brethren Church held in Rueckenau in January of 1 885. He participated in a conference in Rueckenau in the fall of 1886, and was in Russia in 1887. Abraham visited many congregations throughout southern Russia, and had extensive conversations with various church leaders, such as P. M. Friesen. Abraham married Katharina Lohrenz [Lorentz?] of Tiegerweide, Molotschna, in 1 868 . The couple lived in Tiegerweide, and had eight children. The eldest child, Abraham L. Schellenberg, became manager of the publishing house which his father had promoted, holding the position for many years. The second child, daughter Katharina, became the first medical missionary of the Mennonite Brethren Church, serving for many years in India. Wife Katharina died in 1884 in Moundridge, Kansas. Abraham then married Susanna Flaming in 1885, and the couple had 14 children, of which two died within a few days of birth. In 1907 the Schellenbergs moved to Escondido, California. There Abraham organized a Mennonite Brethren church, and was its pastor until 1915. Returning to Kansas, they lived on their farm for four years, then retired to Buhler. Abraham became ill for an extended period, giving him time to reflect on his past life. A friend, D. D. Hiebert, visited him. Abraham told of a dear sister who had come to comfort him. “You have” she said “often comforted me with your sermons. So I have now come to comfort you ...but I don’t know how!” The child-like sincerity of the woman had moved him to tears. Abraham, in assessing his career, was assailed by some doubts. “Behind all the works I have done” he mused “is a great enemy who darkens everything. I will achieve salvation only through grace!” OnApril 11, 1920, at the age of74years, Abraham Schellenberg died. In his obituary wife Susanna and family wrote “We miss father very much. He has been on many journeys, but he always came home again. But this time he will not return. Our comfort is the hope of seeing him in eternity.” Sources: Friesen, P. M., pp 202, 219, 234, 235, 353, 357, 373, 387, 407-409, 41 1, 413, 414, 424, 439, 460, 466, 499, 505, 506, North America, 3, 5, 8, 12-15, 17, 18,21,26,31,34, 37, 44, 48 Hiebert, Clarence, Brothers in Deed to Brothers in Need, Faith and Life Press, Newton, USA, 1974, p 360 Hiebert, D. D., Letter, Zionsbote, 28 April 1920, p 4 Gislason, Leona Wiebe, Rueckenau, Toronto, Canada, 1998, pp 69, 71, 87 57 Huebert, H. T., Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life , Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, pp 97, 98, 103 Mennonite Encyclopedia Obituary, Zionsbote, 30 June 1920, p 4 Schellenberg Family History, from Archival Genealogy Database Toews, J. A„ pp 62,71,78, 80-82, 89, 106, 134, 135, 140, 141, 191, 196, 198, 200,203,218, 269, 284, 287 58 12. JOURNEY TO CENTRAL ASIA [1880- 1882] Jung- Stilling, a pietistic German author, in his novel Das Heimweh [Yearning for Home], depicted Eugenius, a devout Christian, seeking a refuge in central Asia. This novel inspired some Mennonites to seek a similar refuge by moving eastward, to be at the place where Christ’s second coming was expected to take place. The imagination of a young farmer, Claas Epp Jr. of Hahnsau, Am Trakt Colony, was caught up to the extent that he wrote a book in 1 878, interpreting the prophesies of Daniel and Revelation along the same lines. Christ was to come in 1889, and his followers needed to meet him in central Asia. Coupled with these chiliastic ideas was the desire to escape the new draft laws of the Russian government, at that time not enforced in the more remote territories. Eventually plans were completed to migrate to Turkestan. The first contingent of ten families, consisting of 20 adults, 29 children, with 17 specially equipped wagons and 40 horses left Hahnsau on July 3,1880, accompanied by Epp for the first few days. The second wagon train of 13 families also left from Am Trakt, on August 13, 1880. A third group, consisting of 80 families, departed from Waldheim of the Molotschna under the leadership of Elder Abraham Peters; it also included people from the Kuban. The fourth and fifth trains, again from Am Trakt, concluded the migration of the 600 people. The last train, which included the leader Claas Epp, began its trek September 1, 1881 . Across mountain passes with snow, and deserts with searing heat, braving broken axles and wheels, suffering disease and death, the pilgrims travelled on. The first group, for example, lost 14 children on the first 1,780 mile leg of the trip; the third train had an epidemic of typhoid fever in early 1881 which claimed at least 27 lives. Eventually the first groups reached the Tashkent area in Turkestan, where they halted for the winter, taking time to organize. Partly because of increasing difficulty with accepting Epp’s increasingly radical views, about 1 00 families under the leadership of Abraham Peters [and when he died in January of 1882 Jacob Janzen became the leader] decided to accept government terms and settle in Turkestan. They were granted land near Aulie Ata, along the Talus River, moving there in April, 1882. They established four villages, Gnadenfeld, Gnadental, Nikolaipol and Koeppental; later Ohrloff and Hohendorf were added. Prior to World War I there were about 1,000 inhabitants in this colony, of which approximately half were Mennonite Brethren. 59 The last of the wagon trains, including Claas Epp himself, arrived in Turkestan after a difficult four month trip. Epp took charge of the remaining 60 families of the migration, and in August, 1 882, continued on the quest for Christ’s arrival site. Not wishing to accept any type of alternative service demanded if they remained in Russian territory, yet being refused entry by the Emir of Bukhara, the caravan of 50 wagons was driven back and forth by circumstances, braving wide bleak deserts and considerable danger from roving nomads. Eventually the Khan of Khiva invited the struggling group to settle near the Amudar’ya River. Unfortunately the region was a disease-infested swamp, with surrounding natives who freely raided the settlement. In time the Khan offered a safer refuge in Ak Metchet, a garden near the city of Khiva. This was certainly much safer, and a pleasant place to live. Epp now preached that Ak Metchet was the real refuge to which Christ would return, he even supervised the construction of more apartments which would be needed for the refugees that were expected to arrive for the event. The group still under the leadership of the ever more radical and demanding Epp slowly dwindled in number. Some dissenters moved to Aulie Ata, others emigrated to the United States. As 1889 approached Claas Epp was also able to announce the exact date of Christ’s appearance - March 8. On the expected date Epp explained that he would be the first to be caught up to meet Christ, so he sat on a church altar which had been carried outside to be his “throne.” The others stood all day, in white robes, in an attitude of prayer and fasting. But the Lord tarried. Epp made the astonishing discovery that the clock which he had used to calculate the date of Christ’s arrival had been tilted, that the actual date was really 1891! When in two years the delayed second coming failed to transpire, confidence in his leadership suffered a setback, ever more people leaving the flock. With more disappointments, and more plans going awry, Epp’s theology and behaviour became increasingly bizarre. Eventually he concluded that he himself was Christ’s son, so that there were four members of the Godhead - Father, sons, and Holy Ghost. One of his faithful followers, Wilhelm Penner, finally could tolerate no more, and eventually was excommunicated by Epp. After the turn of the century Epp began preaching about a “New Ak Metchet” which would come down from heaven, much like the “New Jerusalem” mentioned in the Revelation of John. 60 Claas Epp died in Ak Metchet, a lonely man. He passed away on January 19, 1913, just five days after the death of his wife Elisabeth. Not all of the millennial beliefs of his remaining followers died with Epp. In time some of them came to believe that Claas Epp would return to earth again, this time with Christ. Sources: Belk, Fred Richard, The Great Trek of the Russian Mennonites to Central Asia 1880-1884, Herald Press, Scottdale, USA, and Kitchener, Canada, 1976, pp 43-227 Dueck, A. J., Claas Epp and the Great Trek Reconsidered, Journal of Mennonite Studies, 1985, pp 138-147 Mennonite Encyclopedia Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 60, 61, 137 Smith, C. Henry, Smith 's Story of the Mennonites, Faith and Life Press, Newton, USA, 1981 pp 294-299 Toews, J. A. pp 81, 82 Background Information: Map: Claas Epp Journey to Central Asia [Map 1] Map: Claas Epp Journey to Central Asia [Map 2] 61 Mennonite Colony Trail of Claas Epp and his Followers 62 Claas Epp Journey to Central Asia [Map 1] Aulie Ata rDzhambull 63 Claas Epp Journey to Central Asia [Map 2] 13. EPIDEMIC IN SOUTH RUSSIA WINTER 1888 - 1889 Infectious diseases were part of the cycle of life and death in earlier times. World wide causes of death among children were diphtheria and scarlet fever, although children also shared typhus , small pox and tuberculosis with the adults. This in part accounted for the low life expectancy, significant child mortality bringing down the statistical average. Mennonites were not immune to these diseases. Winter appears to have been high season for infections to occur. In the winter of 1879-1880 three of the oldest school children in Rueckenau died of diphtheria in a short time, also two daughters of G. Martens. In February of 1 880 Gnadenthal reported that diphtheria causing swelling of the face and throat reigned supreme, although there had been no fatalities. Gnadenfeld was not so lucky. Five children of Dr. Heinemann died in one night. In the late autumn of 1881 disease struck again. A correspondent from Ladekopp reported that minister Peter Fast lost three children to diphtheria, two daughters and one son. Their relatives, Johann Mieraus had five children die, almost at the same time, three daughters and two sons. Jakob Neufelds lost two daughters, David Boese one son, then two weeks later his wife also died. Probably the most widespread and virulent epidemic affected the South Russian colonies in late 1888 and early 1889. In the Molotschna Colony the village of Hamberg reported that “diphtheria reigns; in one week thirteen children died, also one adult.” A correspondent from Schoensee reported diphtheria to be in many villages, with quite a few children dying. In Ohrloff the school was closed because of the epidemic. At the same time scarlet fever also raged. Three children of Johann Mierau died in Tiege, as well as one child of Jacob Willms. In the correspondent’s home three children had just recovered from the disease, and one had come down with it the day before the letter was mailed. The 1 888-1889 epidemic was not confined to the Molotschna Colony. Isaak Ens of Alexanderthal, Fuerstenland Colony reported “Our state of health is satisfactory, only the children have been quite ill, with many a small pilgrim having been called to the great beyond.” In Tiegenhof, an estate north of the Molotschna, Jakob Enns reported that the Peter Giesbrechts lost three children. The school was closed because of the epidemic. Jakob philosophized “Jesus now and then knocks at our heart’s door.” But not all the news was bad. Bernhard Dueck of Friedensfeld, Borozenko Colony, reported that “in our region we have had no epidemic this winter.” The fact that Dueck considered the absence of an epidemic to be newsworthy tells us how common the diseases were. By and large it seems to have been accepted that most winters would bring the cycle of infectious diseases, causing many deaths among the children. This was expected to the extent that most correspondents did not even mention children in their lists of deaths in the community. Those who did include them never mentioned them by Christian name. The winter of 1 888-1 889 seems to have been one of the worst for the young citizens of the South Russian Mennonite colonies. 64 Sources: Correspondent, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 15 January 1882, p 1 Correspondent, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 19 December 1888, p 1 Dueck, Bernhard, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 3 April 1 889, p 1 Enns, Jakob, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 20 March 1889, p 1 Ens, Isaak, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 20 March 1 889, p 1 Neufeld, Jakob, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 27 February 1 889, p 9 News Reports, Nebraska Ansiedler, May 1880, p 3 Sudermann, Johann, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 13 Mar 1889, p 1 Background Information: Worldwide Epidemics Diphtheria Scarlet Fever WORLDWIDE EPIDEMICS There was also considerable disease in other areas of Russia, not only in the Mennonite colonies. Odessa was a large port on the Black Sea, south and west of the major colonies. The Odesser Zeitung regularly announced cases of infectious diseases diagnosed by the department of health in the city. In a three week period of late October early November 1888 there were 24 cases of diphtheria and 18 of scarlet fever, many resulting in death. Diphtheria was also a worldwide epidemic disease, as shown by news items from other regions of the world. The July 1, 1881 Mennonitische Rundschau carried a news item from Minnesota surrounded by a black border. It announced the deaths of 12 children from diphtheria, varying in age from three to twenty years. Nine were girls, three boys. The Isaak Dueck family lost five children within five days. Sources: News Item, Mennonitische Rundschau, 1 July 1881, p 3 News Items, Odesser Zeitung, 28 October [November 9] 1888, p 3; 10[22] November 1888, p 3 17[29] November 1888, p 3 65 DIPHTHERIA Diphtheria is an acute communicable disease caused by a bacterium - Corynebacterium diphtheriae. This organism chiefly infects the respiratory tract where it causes inflammation in the region of the tonsils, pharynx and larynx [throat, including the voice-box]. An exudate [fluid] is formed by these inflamed tissues, which hardens to form an adherent greyish membrane, in time gradually closing off the respiratory passages, making it harder and harder to breathe. There are also skin changes, with deep punched out ulcers. The infecting bacteria often produce a toxin [poisonous substance] which can cause myocarditis [inflammation of the heart muscle] resulting in heart failure, also neuritis which can involve the cranial nerves [nerves around the face and neck] and peripheral nerves [nerves going to the limbs]. Humans are the only natural reservoir for the diphtheria organism. Spread is by close contact via droplets from breathing, or direct contact with throat secretions or skin ulcers. Unfortunately the organism can live up to six months outside the body, so dust and other particles can carry it. People actually immune to the disease may still carry the bacteria and spread it to those who are not immune. Epidemics are commonly in winter possibly due to more crowded conditions in that season. Incubation period [time from contact with the organism until disease develops] is one to seven days. Two to five year old children are the most commonly affected. Should the disease be severe enough to be fatal, death most often occurs by suffocation, sometimes as a result of heart failure. Once the disease has started current treatment is directed toward neutralizing the toxin [using horse produced antitoxin], eliminating the organism [using antibiotics, penicillin and erythromycin], supportive care [ensuring an airway and monitoring the heart and nerve functions], and preventing further transmission [isolation until follow up cultures grow no organisms]. The most effective treatment, prevention of diphtheria, is possible because of a series of discoveries made in the late nineteenth century. Klebs first described the bacteria in 1883. In 1884 Loeffler proved that Corynebacterium diphtheriae caused the disease diphtheria, growing the organism from the throats of sick people. The effect of the toxin which travelled to the rest of the body was proven in 1 888 by Roux and Yersin. These investigations led to the development of active immunization by a neutralized toxin [1913] and then a toxoid [formalin treated toxin], which were the basis for the near eradication of the widespread disease. Vaccination with the diphtheria toxoid was first introduced in the 1 920s and 1 930s; in most western countries diphtheria has been virtually eliminated. In the United States there were 147,991 cases in 1920, 15,536 in 1940, and only 40 cases between 1980 and 1993. In time vaccine produced immunity wanes, so that revaccination of adults may be necessary. Obviously the nature of the disease was not understood when the epidemics spread through the Mennonite colonies in the 1 880s. There was no active treatment given. The only measure which may have helped control epidemics was the closure of schools, which was mentioned on a number of occasions. Whether the schools closed to prevent the spread of disease, or simply because there were not enough students to keep them running efficiently is not clear. Corynebacterium diphtheriae [the small dark objects] 66 Sources: Hardy, Iain R. B., Diphtheria in Cecil Textbook of Medicine, W. B. Saunders Company, 20 th Edition, 1996, pp 1629-30 Hoeprich, Paul D., Diphtheria in Infectious Diseases, J. B. Lippincott Company, Philadelphia, 5th Edition, 1994, pp 373-380 McClatchey, Kenneth D., Clinical Laboratory Medicine, Williams and Wilkins, 1994, p 1 125 SCARLET FEVER Scarlet fever is an acute streptococcal infection that may be localized to the respiratory tract, skin and soft tissues. During the last 30 to 40 years outbreaks in the western world have been fairly mild, but in the latter half of the nineteenth century mortality rates of 25-35% were common. There is usually an initial sore throat, soon becoming extremely hyperemic [red due to inflammation and increased blood flow] and swollen. The whole area, including throat, tonsils and neck lymph nodes become inflamed. There is marked fever, headache, delirium and there may be convulsions. Within 24-48 hours there is a reddish rash, beginning on the trunk, spreading to the limbs, but typically not involving the area around the mouth. There may be septic scarlet fever where there is local invasion of tissues mainly about the neck, with airway obstruction, ear infection, inflammation of the lining of the brain, mastoid infection and possibly pneumonia. Patients often succumb after two or three weeks. Toxic scarlet fever moves more rapidly, with severe fever and uncontrolled convulsions commonly causing death within 24 hours. Current therapy consists of early and massive antibiotic treatment, the streptococci being effectively killed by penicillin. Supportive treatment such as monitoring breathing is also carried out. In the 1 880s antibiotics were, of course, not available. Penicillin was first discovered in 1 929, and did not come into use for approximately another decade after that. \ < ^ t, , ft Streptococci Organisms are the dark chains Large spheres are red blood cells Sources: McClatchey, Kenneth D., Clinical Laboratory Medicine, Williams and Wilkins, 1994, p 1 1 18 Scarlet Fever in Infectious Diseases, J. B. Lippincott Company, Philadelphia, 5th Edition, 1994, pp 354-355 Streptococcal Infections in Cecil Textbook of Medicine, W. B. Saunders Company, 20th Edition, 1996, p 1587 67 14. SAENGERFEST IN RUECKENAU MAY 29, 1894 Congregational singing in the Mennonite colonies of Russia in the late 1 800s was loaded with tradition. For those from outside the colonies, however, or those with exposure to other influences, it likely left much to be desired. If current Old Colony “singing” gives us any clue as to how it sounded, it was probably in unison, directed by a Vorsaenger, unaccompanied, with a penetrating nasal quality, incredibly slow and impossible to understand. But there were signs of improvement. The establishment of the Mennonite Brethren Church in 1 860 brought with it a whole new set of lively hymns, new songbooks and a changed attitude to music. Some of the Kirchliche churches, though at first grudgingly [one choir was for a time banned to the back benches near the door], eventually had choirs. By 1 890 many of the Molotschna churches had choirs which sang at the Sunday morning service. Somewhat preceding the developments in Russia, there was an upsurge of singing in Germany, particularly in the churches. There were numerous song festivals and workshops, for singers and choir directors. The Christlicher Saengerbund [Society of Christian Singers] was organized in 1879. In ten years it grew to include 500 choirs, and a total of 12,000 singers, in Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Russia, England, Sweden, France, North America and Australia. The official publication of this organization was Saengergruss, which by 1885 was an eight page monthly. On May 30, 1 889 the choirs ofthe Christliche Saengerbund within Russia organized into a separate Russische Saengervereinigung. Initially there were 26 choirs, 540 singers. In 1 876 Friedrich Schweiger became conductor of a very dedicated and well rehearsed choir at Zyrardow in Russian Poland, and in time he also became the chairman of the Russische Saengervereinigung. Likely through this organization and Saengergruss, Schweiger became known to a number of Mennonite musicians. A Saengerfest had been held in Rueckenau on May 30,1 893, in which seven choirs had participated, with 120 singers and about 2,000 guests. Now, upon the invitation of Elder David Schellenberg of Rueckenau, Isaak Bom [later to publish an edition of Liederperlen ] and Bernhard Dueck [choir conductor at Friedensfeld], Schweiger was asked to conduct the second, presumably bigger and better, Saengerfest to be held in Rueckenau on May 29, 1894. Preparations were made to obtain maximal benefit from Schweiger’s expertise. Schweiger himself described the events in a lengthy report to Zionsbote. He, his wife and two youngest children set off on May 3, travelling from Zyrardow in Poland to southern Russia by train. The expected 48 hour trip from Warsaw for some reason stretched to 72 long hours. After recuperating for one week Schweiger proceeded to visit as many choirs as possible to do preparatory work. He commented that it was regrettable that the Mennonite colonies were so widely scattered. A twelve hour train ride brought him to his initial destination, Memrik. The first practice was the following afternoon, Saturday, at the church in Kotlyarevka. A large number of singers from the colony attended the two hour 68 session, where special attention was paid to enunciation and correct pronunciation. Then followed a four hour wagon trip, where one and all rode to Alexanderpol, a village of the Memrik Colony a considerable distance to the east. Schweiger bravely attended the regular Sunday service, which also included ordination of two deacons and a prayer meeting. In the afternoon testimonies of five baptismal candidates were heard, followed by acceptance into the church. After that Schweiger held a choir practice, the singers being joined by a group from Kronstadt. Monday morning it was off by train to Alexanderheim, where he held two practices, then he travelled on to Andreasfeld. Here Schweiger met Aron Sawatzky, a very good musician and skilled conductor. In Andreasfeld there were three practice sessions, two of which were also attended by a choir from Ebenfeld. Schweiger was delighted by the enthusism and talent of the participants. Accompanied by Elder Epp, he next took a steamboat to Friedensfeld, where he attended the annual church meetings. The choir at Friedensfeld, led by Bernhard Dueck, was making good progress, but in the opinion of Schweiger still had much to learn. He remarked that choir members were quite young - he himself preferred a mix with older people, provided that they were still willing to accept advice! The Sunday service, which included five sermons, was a time of blessing, and, he hastens to add, was not too long for anyone [was aber niemanden zu viel war\. This was proven by the well attended evening service later that day. Schweiger held two practices in Friedensfeld. Then it was off to Rueckenau. The sanctuary, seating capacity of 1,200, was enlarged to 2,000 with wooden additions. Schweiger was astonished by the beautiful villages in the region, and was very thankful that he was taken to visit the School for the Deaf and Dumb in Tiege. He held a practice on Thursday, May 26, in the afternoon, even though it was Ascension Day. On Saturday, May 28, there were full scale rehearsals in the morning and afternoon. In the evening Schweiger met with the conductors to give them special instruction; he also advised them to form a South Russian association of singers. This association could promote choral music in various ways - by arranging songfests, holding conductors’ workshops and having annual meetings. Sunday, May 29, found the sanctuary jammed with enthusiastic singers and an attentive audience, from early in the morning until late in the evening. Total attendance was about 2,500, of which 300 were singers. In all there were eleven choirs present: Andreasfeld, Reinfeld, Ebenfeld, Memrik, Friedensfeld, Waldheim, Alexanderthal, Rosenort, Sparrau, Rueckenau [all Mennonite Brethren], and Gnadenfeld [Mennonite or Kirchliche ]. On the yard was room for 200 buggies. Some participants had travelled 200 verst to be there; there were even some singers from the Kuban. At six o’clock in the morning, bright and early, breakfast was served, then a planning session to outline the specifics of the program. Thereafter a prayer meeting was led by J. Reimer, followed by a greeting from the local elder, David Schellenberg. Then followed the program, with alternating choral presentations and sermons. Usually the singing included six to eight individual choirs, then the mass choir. The first sermon was by Friedrich Brauer of Zyrardow, focusing on God’s call for mankind to come to him. The second sermon was delivered by Wilhelm Neufeld of Gnadenfeld, emphasizing that the 69 text, the message of the song was of primary importance, the melody was secondary. Lunch took two and a half hours, about 2,000 people were served coffee and buns. The two hour afternoon program had a schedule similar to the morning, with alternating singing and preaching. The two sermons were by K. Unruh of Tiege, who, using Psalm 98, emphasized the importance of Christian choral music, and K. Neufeld of Kronstadt, who spoke about the year of the jubilee. Following the late afternoon snack [ Vesper ] many turned towards home, but most returned to the sanctuary, rain having made the roads treacherous. They continued to sing well into the evening. Altogether about 50 numbers were sung that day! In assessing the situation Schweiger seemed well satisfied. Singing was enthusistic, and there were many people with good voices. The Zahlsystem [ Ziffern , musical notation by numbers, which his own choir in Zyrardow also used] stood them in good stead, the singers having “ viel Treffsicherheit ” [could read notes well]. The Gnadenfeld and Friedensfeld choirs had excellent directors, some of the others could stand more improvement. Many would benefit greatly by reading the publication Saengergruss. When Schweiger and his family arrived home safe and sound, he expressed gratefulness for the experience and the blessings he had received. It is intriguing that a musician who spent much time in travel, then many hours rehearsing, followed by tremendous effort on one big day of conducting, would, in his report, mention the texts and contents of the sermons preached, but not even once hint at any of the choral works that were sung. He was a very dedicated Christian, and felt that the importance of music was to lead people to faith, but one still cannot help but wish that he would have given us more specific information as to the songs which were used for this very vital function. Sources: Berg, Wesley, From Russia with Music , Hyperion Press Limited, Winnipeg, Canada, 1985, pp 16-23 Letkemann, Peter, The Christlicher Saengerbund and Mennonite Choral Singing in Russia, Mennonite Life, December 1986, pp 4-10 News Report, Saengergruss, September 1893, p 69 Schweiger, Friedrich, Ein Besuch unter den Saengern in Russland, Zionsbote, 26 September 1894, PP 3,4 Background Information: Friedrich Schweiger Aron Sawatzky 70 FRIEDRICH SCHWEIGER [1856-1925] Conductor of the Saengerfest in Rueckenau May 29, 1894 Friedrich Schweiger played an important part in determining the shape and direction of Mennonite choral development in Russia. This occurred to a considerable degree through his contacts with Mennonite musicians such as Bernhard Dueck, Isaak Bom, Aron Sawatzky, Wilhelm Dyck and Johann Froese, mainly between 1886 and 1914. Little is known of Schweiger’ s early life, but he was among the students of Karl Truderung. Truderung founded the Zionschor of the German Baptist church in Zyrardow, Russian Poland, in 1871. He was a local teacher who began giving instructions to a group of young students, likely utilizing quite substantially the writings of and direct contact with Ernst Gebhardt. In this instruction Truderung began teaching the use of Ziffern to his choir in 1873. In 1 876 Schweiger, then only 20 years of age, took over the choir, and in 1 88 1 the Zionschor became a member of the Christlicher Saengerbund. In 1887 the pastor of the church, Karl Ondra, died. He had been director of the Russian Choral Association [Russische Saengervereinigung ], a task which now passed on to Schweiger. He continued to give strong leadership in this capacity until his death in 1925. Schweiger was connected to the Mennonites through the Russian Choral Association, but also through his wife, a Mennonite, whose maiden name was Wedel. She had a brother who lived in the Molotschna; apparently he was the initial link between Schweiger and Bernhard Dueck, conductor of the church choir of Friedensfeld. The Schweigers had at least three children, since they took “the two youngest” on their trip to the Molotschna. A tradition of song festivals and conductors’ workshops had been established in Germany, then in Russian Poland. The first Saengerfest of the Russian Choral Association was held in Zyrardow in 1886, likely with annual repeats in that region of Poland. The typical format of having alternating sermons and choral presentations seems to have been accepted for the song festivals, and was duly reported in Saengergruss . There were also annual conductors’ workshops, again establishing a certain routine of operation. The first Mennonite to attend Schweiger’s seminar was Bernhard Dueck, early in 1 894. Aron Sawatzky of Andreasfeld attended in 1895, then Dueck again and Wilhelm Dyck, also of Andreasfeld, were there in 1901. Both the song festival and the workshop formats were copied with very little variation when they were implemented in South Russia. Friedrich Schweiger likely killed two birds with one stone when he accepted the invitation to conduct a Saengerfest in Rueckenau in May of 1 894. He first visited his Wedel relatives in the Molotschna, then went to work to rehearse choirs in various Mennonite colonies, then conduct the final performance on May 29. Probably due to anti-German feelings in Russia at the time most Mennonite choirs withdrew from the Russische Saengervereinigung in 1908. Despite this setback Schweiger continued with his faithful work, even reporting the association news through the Mennonite Friedrich Schweiger 71 publication Friedensstimme as late as 1912 and 1913. Friedrich Schweiger was known for his devotion to God, for his love of fellow Christians, and his dedication to excellence in choral music. There is no doubt that he had a profound and lasting influence on Russian Mennonite choral music, much of this influence later being transported to North America, particularly Canada. Sources: Berg, Wesley, From Russia With Music , Hyperion Press, Winnipeg, Canada,1985, pp 22, 23, 48 Challier, A., Letter, Dirigentenkurs, Saengergruss, March 1894, p 22 Dueck, Bernhard, Letter, Die erste Reise eines Dirigenten aus Suedrussland nach Polen , Saengergruss, May 1894, pp 37, 38 Letkemann, Peter, The Christlicher Saengerbund and Mennonite Choral singing in Russia , Mennonite Life, December 1986, pp 5-10 Sawatzky, Aron, Von meiner Reise nach Polen, Zionsbote, 24 April 1895, pp 2, 3 Schweiger, Friedrich. Ein Besuch unter den Saegern in Russland, Zionsbote, 26 September 1894, PP 3, 4 72 ARON GERHARD SAWATZKY [1871-1935] Conductor of the Andreasfeld choir, which participated in the Saengerfest in Rueckenau, May 29, 1894 Aron Gerhard Sawatzky was bom on May 24, 1 871 in Andreasfeld, a village just east and slightly to the north of the Chortitza Colony. His father was Gerhard J. Sawatzky; Aron was the first son of his second wife, who was the daughter of Elder Aron Lepp. Altogether Aron had 14 siblings, of whom four died in infancy. First faith came to Aron at the age of five, then conversion at the age of eight. He was baptized and joined the Andreasfeld Mennonite Brethren Church at the age of twelve on May 26, 1883. On September 19, 1891, at the age of 20, Aron married Elisabeth Niessen, daughter of Wilhelm Niessen of Kronstadt. Grandfather Aron Lepp performed the wedding ceremony. The couple had twelve children, five sons and seven daughters. Music came easily to Aron; he played band music from the age of fourteen. At the age of 22 he was elected choir director of his church, a special challenge since none of the choir members were saved at the time. Aron must have dealt with this problem successfully, since he later could say “But the Lord of the Harvest was faithful and the whole choir accepted Christ.” He was also able to instill dedication and musical excellence into the choir. When Friedrich Schweiger came to Andreasfeld for preliminary choir practices prior to the Saengerfest in Rueckenau in May of 1894, he found Aron to be a musically talented conductor [ musikalisch angelegten Dirigenten\. The Andreasfeld choir then participated in the subsequent Saengerfest. The church thought well enough of Aron to send him to attend a choral conductors’ seminar in Zyrardow, Russian Poland, in early 1 895. He was somewhat reluctant to go because he would miss a Bible conference at his home church, but came to the conclusion that both he and the church would benefit from the trip. The purpose of the workshop, Sawatzky said, was to gain knowledge about singing so as to be able to educate singers. Schweiger and Stiller were instructors, but Gebhard’s Gesangschule seemed to be the basis of most of the teaching. Much effort was expended during those days to learn proper conducting, to learn to understand the underlying meaning of songs, and techniques to teach the choir proper diction and phrasing. Upon conclusion of the seminar Aron spent a few days in Lodz, where he had additional training, then he took the long journey home. After this learning experience Aron continued to lead the choir in his own church, but also participated in song festivals and workshops throughout southern Russia, and wrote articles about singing in the Mennonite periodicals. In 1903 the Sawatzkys with six children emigrated to Canada. They crossed Europe by train, then departed from Bremen on the ship Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse. Landing in New York, AronG. Sawatzky [1871-1935] 73 they travelled via Chicago and St. Paul to Rosthem. The Sawatzkys eventually homesteaded in Aberdeen, Saskatchewan. Initially times were rough, “Our visitors were mosquitos at night and deer and field mice in the day time. These were very busy days and much of the work was new to us...” Despite hard work on the homestead Aron continued to pursue his musical interests. Two years after arrival he was asked to begin a study of church music. He started with a song festival, and later a choir conductors’ seminar. Soon further invitations followed; he went to Herbert and Hepburn in Saskatchewan, to Manitoba, Nebraska, Minnesota, North Dakota, Kansas and Oklahoma. Aron was also active in publishing helps for conductors and choirs. Beginning in 1 9 1 1 and until at least 1922 he was editor of Saenger-Bote , the official publication of the Christlicher Saengerbund der Mennoniten-Bruedergemeinde von Nord America. It appeared monthly, and on a number of occasions printed articles by Sawatzky, usually about some fine points of choral music, such as proper pronunciation of the text. Aron Sawatzky is probably best known for the many hymns he composed. The Saenger- Bote often included scores of hymns he had composed, as did Lieder-Quelle, which appeared quarterly in 1929 and 1930. In 1915 a separate collection of hymns was published, also called Saenger-Bote , of which nearly half of the 1 63 numbers were composed by Aron. He had written the text as well in at least 28 of his compositions. Sawatzky composed gospel style hymns, generally simple, and very singable. Three of his hymns were included in Gesangbuch [published by the General Conference of Mennonite Brethren Churches in 1952], For Glaube einfach jeden Tag he composed the music only, but for Wenn wir von dieser Erde and O Fest, alter heiligen Feste he also wrote the text. The subsequent Worship Hymnal [1971] retained only Hail, Heavenly Night, the English translation of O Fest, aller heiligen Feste. Aron also did a considerable amount of writing. He described his trip to Zyrardow in great detail, but also wrote more general articles about singing which were published in Zionsbote. Later when his interests diversified, he wrote on a wide range of subjects; from 1920 to 1935 Zionsbote published 47 of his articles and reports. While in Aberdeen the Sawatzkys experienced some tragedy in the loss of four children, three boys and one girl. As he did in his writing, Aron also changed the focus of some of his activities while they lived in Aberdeen. He was first asked to preach in 1912, and continued this ministry for the rest of his life. In 1 920 the Sawatzkys moved to California, first settling in Lodi, then Livingston, Shatter, then again Lodi, followed by Winton. When the leader of the church moved away from Winton, Aron was elected to that post in 1 928. He was ordained to the ministry in 1 930, R. P. Rempel and H. W. Lohrenz officiating. In 1933 there seemed to be trouble in the Winton church, so Aron withdrew from the leadership. The Sawatzkys moved to Shatter, where Aron continued to preach and compose. In the middle of the night of July 11, 1935, Aron suddenly awoke and said “Oh, how wonderful! Oh, how wonderful!” This awakened his wife, Elisabeth. When she asked what was so wonderful he requested a pen and paper, and that he not be disturbed. With bright shining eyes he wrote down words and notes. Elisabeth continued “ At Heaven’s gate he saw the Lord, whom he loved, and behind him a chorus of radiant singers, who were singing the song in heavenly harmony.” This song, Mein Heim [My Home], was published for his funeral a few months later. On Sunday, November 10, Aron preached in the Shatter church, his last sermon. On Tuesday, November 12, a banquet was held to honour the choir conductor and any new choir members. Aron had written some music for the occasion which was sung by a quartet. Aron had some heart problems since about 1 932, and was advised not to exert himself. But his attitude was “ It would be so nice if the Lord called me while I am working.” He was unloading 74 furniture when he suddenly cried out. He fell gently, and died on November 18, 1935. He was 64 years, five months and 24 days old. Aron’s funeral was at the Shatter church on November 24, 1935. Rev. K. G. Neufeld used Revelation 5:9 “And they sang a new song” as his text. The choir sang Aron’s last song Mein Heim. Rev. N. N. Hiebert preached on Revelation 15:1-3 “...and sang the song of Moses the servant of God and the song of the Lamb...” William Bestvater read the obituary in English and German, and conducted the grave side service. Aron Sawatzky made a considerable impact on the musical development among the Mennonite Brethren in Russia, and the later in both Canada and the United States. This is particularly remarkable in that as far as can be ascertained he had only about one week of formal workshop training. He was certainly talented in music and tremendously dedicated. His hymns have, for a considerable period of time, been sung by and have blessed many people. Sources: Berg, Wesley, From Russia with Music, Hyperion Press Limited, Winnipeg, Canada, 1985 pp 23, 26, 27, 48, 49,51-54,58, 65,66, 95, 108, 111-116, 124 Funeral Pamphlet, Mein Letztes Lied, 1935 Gesangbuch, Bundeskonferenz der Mennoniten Bruedergemeinde von Nord-Amerika, Winnipeg, Manitoba, and Hillsboro, Kansas, 1952, hymns number 78, 205,448 Janzen, H. F., Letter, Zionsbote, 4 December 1935, p 6 Mennonite Historical Atlas, p 121 Sawatzky, Aron G., Von meiner Reise nach Polen, Zionsbote, 24 April 1895, pp 2, 5 Sawatzky, Aron G., Gesang, Zionsbote, 19 March 1902, p 5 Sawatzky, Aron G., Begruessung, Saenger-Bote, 1 June 1912, p 1 Sawatzky, Aron G., Der Gesang in der Christlichen Gemeinde, Saenger- Bote, pp 5-7 Sawatzky, Aron G., Autobiography, written July, 1934 Sawatzky, Elisabeth, Obituary of Aron Sawatzky, Zionsbote, 4 December 1935, p 1 1 Schweiger, Friedrich, Ein Besuch unter den Saengern in Russland, Zionsbote, 26 September 1894, pp 3, 4 Toews, J. A., pp 242, 249, 251 Worship Hymnal, General Conference of Mennonite Brethren Churches, Fresno, California, Hymn number 126 Zionsbote Index, Volume 2, 1920-1940, Board of Christian Literature, General Conference of Mennonite Brethren Churches, 1983, p 144 75 MEIN HEIM Words and Music by A. G. SAWATZKY. July 11, 1936. Dort werd - « ich aoth einat ein - geh’n, wanni raw - nom Heim ge - faellt Das Er be - reit • et selbat fuer mich; dort Bchwin-det je - de Nacht. Und von uni f!ie - het Schmen und Not und je . de Trau - rig - Weit Hi - nie - den ist das Truen - en - tai, doch drob • er lit der Freud - en - sail Scbcn Dort werd ich Je - su Ant - titz seh'n und mein * e Lieh - en wie • der - aehn. 0, Dm ist der Qrt, wo Je - sus wohnt; das Heim, da - rait Er drob - an Johnt Diw win - ken Him - mels Lied - cr hier, von dies • er Heim - at mir. welch ein Troat in dies • er Zeit, ea naht die E ■ wig - k«t steig • ert mein • e Sehn - sucht hier. Bald, bald, bin Ich bei dir. The last hymn composed by Aron Sawatzky 15. CHORAL CONDUCTORS’ WORKSHOP IN FRIEDENSFELD DECEMBER 28 - 31, 1894 The first Choral Conductors’ Workshop held by Mennonites in South Russia Bernhard B. Dueck, conductor of the choir of the Mennonite Brethren Church of Friedensfeld, South Russia, obviously loved good music, especially choral music. Some years earlier, in 1879, the Christlicher Saengerbund [Society of Christian Singers] had been organized in Germany, in time having membership in many countries, including Russia. In 1 889 a separate national association was formed, Russische Saenger- vereinigung [Russian Association of Singers]. In time Friedrich Schweiger, conductor of an excellent choir in Zyrardow, Russian Poland, became its chairman. He was devoted to God, loved fellow Christians and was dedicated to the cause of Christian choral music. Through the Russische Saengervereinigung, and the official publication of the Saengerbund called Saengergruss, Bernhard Dueck as well as other Mennonite musicians such as Isaak Bom, Aron Sawatzky, Wilhelm Dyck and Johann Froese became familiar with Schweiger and his work. Early in 1 894 Dueck travelled the 200 miles to Zyrardow to participate in a two day workshop put on by Schweiger for choral conductors. He must have been impressed, because later that year he himself organized a workshop, following much the same format. A brief report of this first Dirigenten Versammlung [Conductors’ Workshop or Seminar] of South Russia written by Dueck himself was published in Saengergruss. A more extensive description written in two installments by Johann Loewen, then of Anadol, was printed in Zionsbote. At the invitation of Bernhard Dueck a total of 1 8 conductors arrived in Friedensfeld to begin their seminar on December 28, 1894. Loewen lamented the fact that there were only 1 8 present, but felt that some may have been reluctant to participate because they had misconstrued Dueck’s motives. Loewen was somewhat embarrassed, since this had been his own fear as well. Everyone present, however, rapidly came to the conclusion that Dueck’s motives were beyond reproach, that the only object of the exercise was to elevate or improve choral singing, both of choirs and congregations of Mennonite churches. Proceedings were opened with greetings by Abram Wall, a minister of the Friedensfeld church. Then Bernhard Dueck was unanimously elected to lead the workshop. Dueck read the minutes of the seminar he had attended at Zyrardow, and shared much that he had learned, both at the workshop and in Friedensfeld. The rest of the participants were soon convinced that there was still much to learn - so they went to work! Since all registrants were conductors their first topic of discussion was of course conducting. Apparently the difference between dirigieren [conducting] and taktieren [beating time] was not a new, but certainly a controversial subject. Ernst Gebhard’s Gesangschule and an article from Saengergruss were the resource materials for this discussion. Even more contentious was the conductor’s baton; it was said that “ In our 77 churches there are many members who have declared war on the conductor’s baton...” The group came to the conclusion that the choir could much more easily interpret the conductor as he signalled the expression and volume of the music with his baton than any other way. Using the tuning fork, as some people suggested, just would not do. They were quite united in their opinion that the baton was superior, and encouraged all conductors to follow their example; the delicious fruit would demonstrate the efficacy of this method. Possibly even a more contentious problem was that of enunciation. This was summarized quite succinctly by Loewen: “...a song will not be of benefit if the listener cannot understand the words or gather the contents. How often has a choir sung a Psalm or a hymn where the listener has understood hardly a word. It is self evident that this cannot be a blessing.” Again an article from Saengergruss was used as resource. Vowels and consonants were equally suspect. It is "Gott”, not “Gatt"\ it is “Himmel", not “Hommel. ” Numerous other habits such as addition of extraneous “h”s and “n”s were discussed. Running words together was also a problem, for example: “Hoeret hoeret, was Er spricht ” becomes “Hoeretoeret Wasser spricht”. The latter is of course unintelligible nonsense. Also important in conveying the correct message of the text was correct breathing. Loewen noted that “many of our singers sing as loud as they can until they run out of air, then haul in a deep breath, often in such places where the meaning of the song is destroyed or altered. An example is song No. 49 from Liederperlen. In the first stanza it is often sung ‘A land of milk and honey at Sinai’, and that is where the breath runs out.” But, explains Loewen, it really says ‘A land of milk and honey, at Sinai do not stay.’ Choir members should study the text well enough to be able to pronounce and phrase it properly. The group felt that their concerted effort should be expended to eliminate these mistakes from Christian singing as soon as possible. But technical expertise is not the entire answer. After considerable discussion it was concluded that to be really satisfactory, singing must come from the heart. What was the purpose of the choir - entertainment, or to build up the saints? For the latter to occur the singers had to mean what they sang. The saying goes, said Loewen, that “What comes from the heart, goes to the heart!” In this regard behaviour of the choir members is crucial. They must arrive on time, and know which music will be sung. 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Loewen felt that “Christians and especially singers should, by their example, illustrate what they sing and say.” The conductors present also made a number of organizational decisions. It was felt that an association of choral conductors would be helpful; the plan was to present a proposal to the next General Convention of the Mennonite Brethren Church [Bundes konfer enz\, which was to be held in Rueckenau in May of 1 895. They would start small, with units of three or four choirs. These would get together twice a year for mutual challenge and support. Conductors would get together three times a year to discuss items of common concern. All conductors could meet at the annual conventions of the Mennonite Brethren Church [most or all of the conductors at this seminar must have been Mennonite Brethren] . They would get together the day before, then also during the evenings of the convention. Bernhard Dueck and a Neufeld from Rueckenau were to write, then to present a constitution to the convention. Since the purpose of the three day seminar had been to “elevate hymn singing,” an additional scheme was plotted. It was felt that improving choirs alone would not suffice; to complicate matters many churches did not have accompanying instruments. The plan was to establish an association of singers who would practise the most common hymns so that they could sing them correctly. These trained singers would then infiltrate the congregation, and try as hard as possible to counter the mistakes made and increase the tempo of the singing. New Year’s Eve the participants attended the service at the Friedensfeld church. It was a joy to hear the wonderful hymns sung by the choir, with interspersed readings, and of course the mandatory sermon. They parted with new plans and fresh resolve, only sorry for those conductors who had not attended the workshop. The plans to present the resolutions and the constitution of the proposed association to the convention of the Mennonite Brethren Church of Russia in May of 1 895 were probably not carried out. The convention was disrupted by government officials; names of the delegates present were noted, and minutes of the proceedings were confiscated. The organization was, however, established in 1 898, when Wilhelm Dyck of Andreasfeld was elected president. Bernhard Dueck, the workshop leader, and Johann Loewen, a participant, both fairly young at the time [25 and 23 years old respectively], seem to have become good friends. They collaborated, years later, in writing Mennolied for the celebration of the Anabaptist four hundredth anniversary held in Switzerland in 1925. Loewen, a poet, wrote the lyrics, Dueck composed the music. Unfortunately neither was allowed to leave the country at the time to actually participate in the anniversary celebrations. Sources: Berg, Wesley, From Russia With Music, Hyperion Press Limited, Winnipeg, Canada,1985, pp 16-27 Challier, A., News Item from Zyrardow, Saengergruss, March 1 894, p 22 Dueck, Bernhard, News Item from Friedensfeld, South Russia, Saengergruss, May 1894, pp 37,38 79 Dueck, Bernhard, News Item from Friedensfeld, South Russia, Saengergruss, March 1895, p 22 Letkemann, Peter, The Christlicher Saengerbund and Mennonite Choral Singing in Russia, Mennonite Life, December 1986, pp 4-10 Liederperlen, No. 49, Das liebliche Los Loewen, Johann, Line Dirigenten-Versammlug in Friedensfeld, Zionsbote, 27 February 1895, p 3, and 6 March 1895, p 3 News Report, Zionsbote, 3 1 July 1895, p 4 Background Information: Bernhard B. Dueck Johann J. Loewen The Friedensfeld Mennonite Brethren Church 80 BERNHARD B. DUECK [1869-1936] Organizer of the first Choral Conductors’ Workshop in South Russia Bernhard Bernhard Dueck was bom on November 28, 1869, the third son of Bernhard and Agatha [Thielmann] Dueck. He was bom and raised in Friedensfeld, a village of the Borozenko Colony of South Russia. The Dueck family loved music. The senior Bernhard was musical, and the younger Bernhard together with his brother successfully completed a music course in Riga, Latvia. P.M. Friesen felt that the Friedensfeld Mennonite Brethren Church was exemplary in its Sunday school, youth programs, music and choral groups. The Dueck family was singled out as being particularly outstanding in music. Bernhard sang and played the guitar, his younger brother Abram had mastered an eleven stringed guitar. In 1 892 Bernhard married Margaretha Wiebe from the Kuban Settlement: they began their married life as farmers in Friedensfeld. Between 1893 and 1912 the couple had eight children, Bernhard [1893], Katharina [1894], Jacob [1899], Johann [1901], Greta [1903], Abram [1906], Lena [1909] and Gerhard [1912], While Bernhard’s occupation was farming, his true love was always music. In 1 892 he was elected as director of the church choir in Friedensfeld. He obviously motivated the singers to such a degree that they could subsequently be used as examples of what could be achieved in both technique and dedication. In early 1 894 Bernhard attended a choral conductors’ workshop in Zyrardow, Poland; at this workshop he was not only a student, but sang and played the guitar for the group. He was inspired to organize a similar workshop in Friedensfeld December 28 to 3 1 later that same year. The 1 8 participants felt that it was a great success. Over the years Bernhard continued his enthusiasm for music. When he moved he soon became the choir conductor of the local church. He continued to organize choral conductor work¬ shops in various parts of Russia, for example in Margenau, near Omsk, in 1 92 5 . Participants were required to bring along their batons in order to practice conducting technique, an emphasis Bernhard seems to have pursued with vigour throughout his musical career. Members of the group formed a choir themselves, but also rehearsed songs with the Margenau church choir. All musicians then participated in the church service the following Sunday. Bernhard was also a composer. He had obviously become a friend of Johann Loewen who, though interested in music, was at heart a poet. The two collaborated in writing a hymn Mennolied, where Loewen wrote the lyrics and Dueck composed the music. It commemorated the Bernhard Dueck, wife Margaretha and children 81 four hundredth anniversary of Anabaptism, and was to be used at the celebrations in Switzerland in 1 925. Unfortunately neither Dueck nor Loewen were allowed to leave the country, so they could not attend the ceremonies. Dueck also collaborated with Loewen in the writing of a Low German song, Sing am levlich, sing am scheen, written especially for an elderly grandmother who had trouble understanding High German. The home of Bernhard and Margaretha Dueck was also filled with music. Daughter Katharina recalled “He lived for music and singing. We had a pump organ.. .and father’s younger brother... had an eleven stringed guitar. Very often we spent Sunday nights singing and playing. It was a pleasant unforgettable childhood.” On February 27, 1902, Friedensfeld had an evening celebrating the ten years that Bernhard had been conductor of the choir. The whole village was invited, and the sanctuary was filled to capacity. Elder Jantz began the “jubilee” with prayer, reading a relevant passage of scripture and making a number of pertinent remarks. Then the singers took over; there were songs by a mixed choir, by a men’s choir, even a solo by Bernhard himself accompanied on the guitar by his brother Abram. The music was interspersed by recitation of appropriate poems. Then followed a meal, during which time a representative of the choir presented Bernhard with a gift. Then the congregation reassembled, and “many more lovely songs were sung to the honour and praise of God.” Obviously the Friedensfeld congregation appreciated its choir conductor. Due to poor health Bernhard gave up farming after ten years. In 1903 the family moved to the village of Bahndorf [Orlov] in the Memrik Colony, where he again directed the church choir. Bernhard, together with a number of partners built a small mill in Bahndorf, which they operated for four years. The Duecks then moved to Poltava, near the city of Chorol [Khorol], where a four story steel mill was purchased. There were financial difficulties, so to improve business opportunities the mill was moved near a railroad station in 1 909. During the overthrow of the Czarist government and then the establishment of communist rule the mill continued to operate. In 1922 it was confiscated by the government, Dueck continuing as manager. In 1926 Dueck was released from this position. Since he knew many people there, and had relatives in the region, it was quite easy for Bernhard to settle on a farm at Putschkovo, near Omsk in Siberia. Eventually more and more farms were collectivized, even in Siberia; as a land owner Bernhard was arrested and imprisoned in Omsk early in 1 93 1 . In prison he was not well; his daughter Greta often brought him extra food to help him maintain his health. When Bernhard was released from prison in August of 1 932, he had lost all interest in life, and more particularly he had also lost his zest for music. He joined his family in southern Russia, then together with his wife, Margaretha, joined their youngest son in Alma Ata. Bernhard died 82 there on January 12, 1935. His funeral was not accompanied by the instrumental and choral music with which he had enriched so many occasions. After Bernhard’s death Margaretha moved back to Nikopol in southern Russia, where she lived with her children until she also died, on February 8, 1937. Sources: Berg, Wesley, From Russia with Music, Hyperion Press Limited, Winnipeg, Canada, 1985, pp 21,23,24, 27, 28 Braun, D. D., Ein Jubilaeums=Saengerfest, Zionsbote, 16 April 1902, pp 1, 2 Challier, A., Letter, Dirigentenkurs, Saengergruss, March 1894, p 22 Dueck, Bernhard, Letter, Die erste Reise einesDirigenten aus Suedrussland nach Rolen, Saengergruss, May 1894, pp 37,38 Friesen, P. M., p 461 Loewen, Johann, Eine Dirigenten=Versammlung in Friedensfeld, Zionsbote, 27 February 1895, p 3, and 6 March 1895, p 3 Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 1 8, 1 1 8 Rahn, Peter, Zu der Anfrage ueber das ‘Mennolied’, Der Bote, 1 July 1975, pp 4, 6 Redekopp, Alfred H., Jacob Thielmann and Helena Kroeker, published by A. H. Redekopp, Winnipeg, Canada, 1987, pp 19-24 83 JOHANN J. LOEWEN [1871-1937?] Participant in the first Choral Conductors’ Workshop in South Russia Johann Loewen was bom in 1 87 1 in the Yazykovo Colony in southern Russia. At the age of 1 5 he moved to Friedensfeld with his parents. He was converted at an evangelistic campaign of Christian Schmidt of the Kuban, was baptized and joined the Mennonite Brethren Church. At the age of 21 he entered the forestry service [Forstei], where he served at the Anadol camp for four years. During this time Johann was already writing poetry, some of his early poems being about camp life. He was also interested in music, and must have had some expertise and training, since he participated in the choral conductors’ workshop held by Bernhard Dueck in late 1894. Johann wrote an extensive report about this experience which was published in Zionsbote. He encouraged others to participate in similar events. In 1897 Johann married Helene Friesen, the neighbour’s daughter, and a relative of P. M. Friesen. The young couple settled in Blumenfeld [1] of the Nepluyevka Colony. They had a total of six children; these were Anna, Johann, Heinrich and Nikolai, two others dying in early childhood. The Nepluyevka congregation was founded in 1 880, was an affiliate of Friedensfeld, and met alternately in the schools of Blumenfeld and Steinau until a building was constructed in Steinau in 1905. Upon moving into this area Johann founded a choir in their church, remaining the conductor for 20 years. Johann published a 300 page book of poetry in 1899 called Herzenstoene fuer schlichte Christen-herzen [Thoughts for gentle hearted Christians]. This publication was available at a bookstore in Tiege, Molotschna. Loewen sometimes combined his poetic and musical interests. He supplied the lyrics, Bernhard Dueck composed the music for Mennolied , written to celebrate the four hundredth anniversary of Anabaptism in 1925. The words were dedicated to all Mennonites, and emphasized Mennonites as wanderers, even in difficult times. He wrote: Wenn man in unsern Tagen die Freiheit ketten will, dann schaun wir fest entschlossen aufs neue Wanderziel. [If in our day they want to chain our freedom, Then we resolutely look ahead to a new goal.] He again collaborated with Dueck to write a Low German song, Sing am levlich, sing am scheen. During the unsettled times following World War I the Loewen farm was taken over by neighbouring Russians, so the Loewens moved to Friedensfeld. Johann continued to be active in 84 the church, teaching Sunday school and directing the choir. He was elected area conductor, and held Saengerfeste [song festivals] and workshops for conductors, even as late as 1930. By the time their turn came to emigrate to Canada in the 1920s, it was too late. The Loewens could not even get travel passes to go to Moscow in 1929 for the largely unsuccessful attempt of Mennonites to get exit visas [only about 6,000 of the 13,000-15,000 gathered inMoscow actually got visas and were able to escape]. Collective farms were established in the region, and Johann was appointed gardener. His boss tried to get rid of him, and had him sent to jail in Nikopol on three occasions. The court released him, however, because he was so valuable to the state, having planted a very productive vineyard. In time his enemy did triumph. The NKVD again came for him, at night, in June of 1937. Johann was again imprisoned in Nikopol, this time permanently. He was visited a number of times by his son Nikolai - but soon this stopped, because the son himself was imprisoned three months later. Johann was tortured, and eventually “confessed” to destroying vineyards and orchards on the collective farm. After being imprisoned in Nikopol for some time both father and son, together with a nephew, were transferred elsewhere and were never seen again. It has since then been discovered that many of the prisoners who were said to have been “transferred” were actually shot. This may well have happened to Johann Loewen. Sources: Friesen, P. M., pp 461, 671 Loewen, Johann, Eine Dirigenten-Versammlung in Friedensfeld, Suedrussland, Zionsbote 27 February 1895, p 3, and 6 March 1895, p 3 Loewen, Harry, Johann J. Loewen: Ein mennonitischer Dichter und Saenger, Mennonite Mirror, November 1986, pp 28, 29 Loewen, Harry, Can the Son Answer for the Father? Reflections on the Stalinist Terror, Journal of Mennonite Studies, 1998, pp 76-78 Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 18, 118 P. P., Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 15 November 1900 Toews, A. A., Mennonitische Maertyrer, Volume 2, 1954, Article written by Helene Loewen, Johann Loewen, pp 121-123 85 . . s |S . |S I t lt4ct -e 1 f Sdjlitftdjor nad) Strophe 7 ju fingen. ^[ieftcnb S N S f' \ -h -=# - V- i x i v — _ P Sim lag bie SBol fen • fan Sim Sag bie bunt » le SBol 2 2c 2 j?-2 2 , rjrcc-r^cf- - cc-tc •I fen && s le, bei ■fau-(e, bei , 2 - 0 - - ' - r f i c <-c ‘JJndjt beerb@d)fin. ©o er3 @tf)cin . ... -rc- mirb (Sr treu un§ 1 (dtrirt . JU 4- -_C- =± - — — -i c/ r fF- =$= 1 i | _n- i ! 1 1/ fiif) - reit in3 i'anb ber 3iu f)t ein, in3 Caub ber -M- J' J_ J" -7- ,, pPF M- 1 — 4 — *" 1 t -w -bB j- Fc 1 —C*' rit. K s. k =C^Ehck l - « - J - - 0— /7\ -+- 9{u - fje ein, iC 2" t'CCC ind Sanb ber r Sffti - Ije eitt. 3ol)an» Potmen. The seventh stanza of Mennolied, words written by Johann J. Loewen, and music composed by Bernhard B. Dueck 86 THE FRIEDENSFELD MENNONITE BRETHREN CHURCH The village of Friedensfeld [Miropol] was considered to be an outlying part of the Borozenko Colony, although it technically was in the Russian volost Leschkarevo. From 1865 to 1867 about 120 Kleine Gemeinde families from the Molotschna purchased 6,137 dessiatines of land near Nikopol in Ekaterinoslav for 184,100 rubles. Steinbach, Blumenhof, Heuboden, Rosenfeld and Annafeld were established. Gruenfeld and Friedensfeld were founded roughly the same time, somewhat north and east of the main centre of settlement. At the same time a number of people from Chortitza established the villages of Nikolaithal, Felsenbach and Schoendorf. The Borozenko Colony had its own volost, administrative offices being at Nikolaithal. Friedensfeld was founded in late 1866, largely by members of the Kleine Gemeinde from the Molotschna. Among the first settlers were also three Mennonite Brethren families, Jakob Jantz from Fuerstenau, Bernhard Dueck from Schoenau, and Peter Fast. A Mennonite Brethren fellowship was organized which first met in the Jantz’s semlin [an earth hut, half dug in, half above ground], where they held Sunday services and Wednesday evening prayer meetings. Needing more space they moved to the home of Bernhard Dueck in late 1868. In 1869 five people were baptized, and two additional Mennonite Brethren families moved into the village - bringing the total to 1 7 members. Jakob Jantz was leader of the group, Peter Fast, teacher in the village, assisted as minister, Bernhard Dueck was deacon. When most of the Kleine Gemeinde congregations of southern Russia emigrated to North America in the mid 1870s, many members also left Friedensfeld. Most of the remaining inhabitants of the village then joined the Mennonite Brethren, to a considerable degree due to the work of Jakob Jantz. There was at this time a period of bitter strife within the church membership. There was quarrelling and enmity about peripheral issues and matters of “honour.” P. M. Friesen comments that for a time the name “Friedensfeld” [field of peace] was actually a misnomer, it should really be “Battlefield!” But, continued Friesen, “...file Lord could help, though not without some punishment; powerful and rich members left [were expelled from?] the membership.. .God had to make poor and small what had been large and wealthy, to discipline and then to rescue.” Later the church was greatly strengthened and encouraged when minister Christian Schmidt and Johann Wieler moved to Friedensfeld. At first the congregation was an affiliate of the Molotschna Mennonite Brethren Church, but on June 1 5, 1 875 it was organized as a separate group. Jakob Jantz was elected elder, Christian Schmidt as “associate elder.” Elder Abraham Unger of Einlage and Elder Abraham Schellenberg of Rueckenau presided at the installation service. Initial membership was 45, with a total of 125 adherents. In the autumn of 1875 Peter Fast moved to Sergeyevka, then in 1878 Christian Schmidt departed for the Kuban. Since there was then a dearth of ministers, the congregation elected two “teachers” in 1878, Benjamin Jantz and Johann Neufeld. Four years later they were confirmed as ministers and Bernhard Dueck as deacon at an installation service presided over by Elder Aron Lepp. In February of 1883 Christian Schmidt visited his former church home. As a result of his powerful preaching a great revival gripped many at 87 Friedensfeld, leading to 40 baptisms in April of that year. At the twenty five year anniversary celebration of the Mennonite Brethren Church on January6, 1885, the Freidensfeld church had about 1 00 members, with another 125 adherents. The church also related to and served a Baptist church in the nearby village of Michailovka. After 1885 the life of the Friedensfeld church is described as “...quiet and orderly progress.” It acted as a bridge between the Molotschna and Chortitza, since it had active members from both areas. The congregation lost some valued members through death, Martin Thielmann [dedicated and energetic], Dietrich Klassen [itinerant minister], Bernhard Dueck [one of the founders and deacon], Franz Peters [minister, particularly interested in missions], also Margareta [Toews], the wife of Elder Jakob Jantz. Elder Jantz continued to work effectively; he and the church took a fairly conciliatory stand on the question of “open communion,” which was a serious problem in some of the other Mennonite Brethren congregations. He had very little formal education himself, but was school teacher in the village for four years in the late 1880s. Abram Wall, formerly of the Crimea, was for a time based in Friedensfeld [while carrying out itinerant ministry], but by 1910 had settled in Miloradovka. Peter Funk was elected deacon after the death of Bernhard Dueck [senior]. The church was known for its dedication to education, a fair number of the young men having completed high school in Ohrloff, some also the Teachers’ College in Halbstadt. Sunday school and youth programs were also emphasized. In 1889 the Sunday school had five teachers with 65 students. There were two youth groups, the young men numbered 18, while the young ladies totalled 22. There was particular love for, excitement about and understanding of instrumental and choral music. The choir in 1889 had 25 members. Bernhard Dueck, one of the founders of Friedensfeld, was very interested in many aspects of church work, but especially music. The extended Dueck family, which would include his wife’s family [she was a Thielmann], often constituted a major part of musical groups. Two sons of the family, Bernhard and Abram, studied music in Riga. Bernhard [junior] became the conductor of the church choir in 1892. As well as singing at the Sunday morning services, the choir sang at funerals, weddings, baptisms, at sick beds, had gone carolling at Christmas, and participated in choral festivals. In one period they made 36 trips to 23 different places. Dueck obviously trained the singers to a high degree of dedication and competence, having ten additional services featuring music, and learning a repertoire of 250 songs. Dueck was training his choir so that he could use it as an example of excellence at the Choral Conductors’ Workshop which was held in Friedensfeld in December of 1894. The choir was also an inspiration to neighbouring congregations, participating in a song fest of the Judenplan villages in 1902. Bernhard continued in this position until he moved to the Memrik Colony in 1 903 . However the excellence of the choir must have been carried on, since in subsequent reports of activities of the church there is repeated praise for its contributions. Around the year 1900 Friedensfeld underwent a difficult time, in part because a number of people moved away, but also fuelled by an economic downturn likely due to poor crops. The church was near dissolution. Then there seemed to be an about face, and the church again flourished. The church building, which had been constructed in 1885, had ample room for the congregation and the village school. The Friedensfeld congregation always had a strong outreach program, the ministers often participating in itinerant evangelism and nurture in far away places. Jakob Jantz himself travelled to Germany, Turkestan, Siberia and to the Terek. He also spent considerable time in Sagradovka, but his particular interest seems to have been Poland, the region where he was bom. He visited Poland 23 times, being active in the establishment of a Mennonite Brethren church at Deutsch- Wymyschle. Jantz was ecumenical in his interests, cultivating fellowship with ministers of the 88 nearby Russian evangelical church at Koudashovka. The Baptist leader JohannjTvan] G. Kargel, from St. Petersburg, held a month long missions school in Friedensfeld in January of 1 889; 1 6 men participated. As a result of the outreach a number of “outposts” were established which in time became independent Mennonite Brethren congregations. Jakob Jantz was the presiding elder when the Deutsch-Wymyschle congregation was incorporated and the officials ordained in 1895. Sagradovka-Tiege also flourished, in 1885 having about 100 members; in 1889 alone 50 new members joined through baptism. In June of 1902 Elder Jantz ordained Johann Nickel as elder for this what P. M. Friesen called “a more or less independent” congregation. In 1905 the Friedensfeld congregation had one elder, eight ordained ministers, 35 baptisms for the year, and a total membership of 3 44, of which only 83 were in the home church. By the end of 1906 total membership had climbed slightly to 360. Altogether there were 1,065 adherents, and not surprisingly for a church so interested in music, 110 choir members. Friedensfeld continued to have a number of official affiliate congregations. At the beginning of 1906 these affiliates were: 1. Nepluyevka, established in 1880, leader Heinrich Friesen, membership 97, owned building since 1905 2. Novopodolsk, established 1888, Judenplan villages, which consisted of Mennonite model farmers living in basically Jewish villages, leader Franz Wieler, membership 61, met in homes and schools 3. Steinfeld, of the Schlachtin Colony, established in 1888, leader Franz Krause, membership 60, had own building 4. Miloradovka and Schilovo, established 1895, leader Abram Wall, membership 43, had own building On February 27, 1 902, Friedensfeld had an evening celebrating the ten years that Bernhard Dueck had been conductor of the choir. The whole village was invited, and the sanctuary was filled to capacity. Elder Jantz began the “jubilee” with prayer, reading a relevant passage of scripture and making a number of pertinent remarks. Then the singers took over; there were songs by a mixed choir, by a men’s chorus, even a solo by Bernhard himself accompanied on the guitar by his brother Abram. The music was interspersed by the recitation of appropriate poems. This was followed by a meal, during which time a representative of the choir presented Bernhard with a gift. Then the congregation reassembled, and “many more lovely songs were sung to the honour and praise of God.” Obviously the Friedensfeld congregation appreciated its choir conductor. Friedensfeld celebrated a most wonderful Pentecost season in 1910. “As is well known,” wrote a correspondent, “we had a great revival here this winter, mainly among the youth. In almost every household there were people whose sins had been forgiven, in a number of homes there were even three individuals who turned to Christ.” Testimonies were given, and on the third day of Pentecost 27 of the newly converted were baptized, including a 60 year old man. A minister from Ufa assured the participants that despite difficulties they had someone to turn to, Jesus Christ. Minister Abram Wall performed the actual baptism. Ten of the candidates sang “ Jesugeh voran. [Jesus lead the way...]. Leadership of the church must have been quite adaptable and willing to travel to serve its far flung membership. Jakob Jantz remained elder, and did itinerant ministry even at an advanced age. He usually had communion once a month at his home base in Friedensfeld, once every three months with the affiliate congregations. A correspondent remarked in 1913 that at the age of 79 he was still on duty, although others had to read the biblical text for him as well the words for songs, because a severe tremor of his hands made holding books difficult. Abram Wall was active in the home congregation even though he lived in Miloradovka. He greeted the participants in the 89 name of the church at the Choral Conductors' Workshop in 1894, he spoke at the funeral of Jakob Jantz’s wife in 1903, and likely participated in many other functions. Heinrich Friesen headed the Nepluyevka affiliate, but also spoke at various church functions. He was a faithful correspondent for the whole church, writing a fair number of reports which were published in Zionsbote. His letters stopped abruptly after April, 1914, so it is quite possible that he moved away or was incapacitated after that time. The Friedensfeld congregation actively participated in the work of the wider Mennonite Brethren constituency. From two to nine representatives were recorded as delegates to annual conventions held in 1882, 1903, 1904, 1910, 1913 and 1918. Jakob Jantz was invariably one of the group while he was still able to travel, and played an active role at the conventions. He, for example, delivered one of the eight sermons which inspired the delegates at the convention held on May 18, 1903, in Waldheim. In 1904 the Friedensfeld delegates invited the conference to their locale for 1 905, so the convention was likely held there, although no extant minutes document this. As mentioned previously, Friedensfeld ministers travelled widely; some of these trips were itinerant ministry under the jurisdiction of the Mennonite Brethren Conference. Reports confirm that Friedensfeld also contributed financially to the various conference projects. Jakob Jantz likely functioned as elder until he died in 1917. The church sent delegates, Abraham Neustaedter and Abram Wall, to the Menonnite Brethren convention held in Vassilievka in September of 1918. In the unsettled times after World War I the Johann J. Loewens lost their farm in Blumenfeld, Nepluyevka Colony, so they moved to Friedensfeld. Johann was active in the church, teaching Sunday school, and not surprisingly, conducting the church mixed choir as well as a male choir. The unsettled times also had a direct effect on the church. On Christmas Day, 1920 Makhno bandits came riding into Friedensfeld. Likely finding nobody at home, they headed for the church. Minister Aron P. Toews, also school teacher, was in charge of the service when the bandits stormed into the church sanctuary screaming, demanding that the singing stop [how appropriate that they would find the church singing!]. Toews asked the congregation to remain calm, since they were “in the house of God, and under his protection.” A shot was fired, the bandits collected a sum of money, and left the worshippers in peace. A series of letters written by members of the Jantz family gives insight into some of the church life in the mid 1920s. The communists had obviously taken over administration of the village. They were using the front classroom of the school/church for Spektakel [loud programs, music?] on Sunday mornings. The congregation put up an additional brick wall between the rooms to muffle the sound. The services were allowed to continue, but children under 1 8 were not to attend. Sunday school was forbidden. The congregation had to pay rent to use its own facility. The musical emphasis, spear-headed by Johann Loewen, continued to be strong. The mixed choir, consisting of 19 members in 1923, participated in regional songfests. Loewen also organized a male choir, and on occasion practiced with a youth choir as well. The tradition of songfests in the Friedensfeld sanctuary continued, although the congregation sometimes found it hard to make all the arrangements. On October 23,1923 there were 80 singers from five choirs at Friedensfeld. A total of 1 05 numbers were presented, including songs, sermons and poems. The weather was beautiful, and every seat in the church was filled. Continuing with a tradition begun in 1894, Bernhard Dueck, then of Poltava, held another choir conductors’ seminar in Friedensfeld on January 7-11, 1925. There were 18 registrants. The church choir had to attend every evening to allow the conductors to practice their art. The closing program produced music which was well appreciated, “one was in the spirit transported to heavenly regions!” 90 Accepting more than its share, the regional songfest was again in Friedensfeld in May, 1926, when preparations were made for 180 singers. They butchered two cows, two sheep, prepared four large crocks of borscht, four large pots of fruit soup [Fruchtmuss] , and much baking, including, of course, Zwieback. Seven choirs appeared for the two day festival, including a large Russian group from Kadushovka. Johann Loewen had made the arrangements; an addition had been added to the church building to hold the large number of guests, and food was served in the machine shed [Scheune] of Peter Isaak. All guests left happy, having had a blessed time. There were some technical difficulties with the celebration of Christmas, New Years and Easter. By this time there was a significant Russian population in Friedensfeld. The Mennonites had accepted the new, Gregorian calendar, the Russians stuck to the old, Julian calendar. The businesses in the village, notably the mill and the store, had been taken over by Russians, so their holidays followed the Julian dates. To comply with its neighbours the Friedensfeld church, at least for a number of years, certainly in 1925, celebrated according to the “Old” calendar. Mennonite visitors to the celebrations in Friedensfeld therefore could participate twice, once at home, then later in Friedensfeld. Towards the end of the 1920s , however, gradually more restrictions came into effect. After a time collective farms were established in the area, and some of the farmers will have been sent off their land. The church was likely forced to close its doors about 1930, although some of the Mennonites, such as the Johann Loewens, still lived in the area. Many of the men were subsequently imprisoned during the Purge of 1936-1938. Sources: Berg, Wesley, From Russia with Music, Hyperion Press Limited, Winnipeg, Canada, 1985, pp 23, 24, 27 Braun, D. D., Ein Jubilaeums=Saengerfest, Zionsbote, 16 April 1902, pp 1, 2 Braun, Heinrich, Bundes-Statistic, der Vereinigten, Taufgesinnten, Mermonitischen Brueder- Gemeinde in Russ land. 1905, Nikopol, 1906 Dueck, Abe J., Moving Beyond Secession, Kindred Productions, Winnipeg, Canada, and Hillsboro, USA, 1997, pp 24, 25, 27, 30, 42, 44, 55, 60, 66, 87, 93, 98 Friesen, Heinrich, Letters, Zionsbote, 8 November 1911, pp 2, 3; 24 January 1912, p 5; 30 April 1913, pp 3, 4; 13 August 1913, pp 4, 5; 15 April 1914, p 4 Friesen, P. M., pp 406, 423-427, 459-464, 722 Jantz Family Letters, edited and typed by Harold Jantz, Winnipeg Jantz, Harold, great-grandson of Jakob Jantz, personal information Jantz, Jakob, Jahres Bericht von der Gemeinde Friedensfeld 1889, Zionsbote, 5 March 1890, pi Jantz, Jakob, Obituary of Margareta Jantz, Zionsbote, 8 July 1903, p 5 Mennonite Encyclopedia Mennonite Historical Atlas, ppl 8, 118 Kargel, J. G., Zwischen den Enden der Erde, Licht im Osten, Wemigerode am Harz, 1928, Introduction by Jakob Kroeker, pp viii, ix Klippenstein, Lawrence, Russian Evangelicalism Revisited: Ivan Kargel and the Founding of the Russian Baptist Union, Baptist History and Heritage, April 1992, pp 42, 43 News Report, Friedensstimme, 19 June 1910, p 8 Ratzlaff, Erich L., Im Weichselbogen, Winnipeg, Canada, 1971, pp 55-57, 59, 60, 62, 203 Redekopp, Alfred H., Jakob Thielmann and Helena Kroeker, published by A. H. Redekopp, Winnipeg, Canada, 1987, pp 11-13, 29, 30 Rempel, Olga, Einer von Vielen: Die Lebensgeschichte von Prediger Aron P. Toews, Winnipeg, Canada, p 37 Toews, J. A., pp 62, 63, 70, 78, 84, 93 91 16. DEDICATION SERVICE AT THE LUGOVSK MENNONITE BRETHREN CHURCH OCTOBER 7, 1901 When the Neu Samara Colony was first established in 1891 there were few Mennonite Brethren settlers. Through the itinerant evangelistic efforts of David Duerksen of the Crimea, Jakob Reimer of Rueckenau, David Nachtigal and Peter Koehn of Waldheim, many people were converted and joined the Mennonite Brethren Church. Up to 35 were baptized at one time, in the Kaltanka River near the west end of Lugovsk; the stream had been dammed up to retain the snow run-off. The congregation walked to the river, filling the air with song; at the water’s edge they listened to a sermon, then the baptismal candidates prayed. The minister and the candidates stepped into the stream for the baptism, then the candidates were accepted into membership. Abram Martens led the church from 1893 until 1926. A confession of faith was accepted by the congregation on December 16, 1900. A special seal was affixed to the document, as well as signatures by leader Abram Martens, minister Daniel Friesen, and deacons Isaak Wiens and Jakob Fast. Abram Martens was ordained elder in 1910, Elder David Duerksen presiding. The first church was on the front yard of Franz Braun of Lugovsk; a second building was soon too small. Then a much larger sanctuary was built on the western end of Lugovsk, north side of the street. The new building had a high foundation, on which were placed stones from a quarry 30 verst east of Ivanovka. Earth for the structure was obtained from a hill west of the village. Human bones and a variety of coins were discovered in this hillock, likely from the tomb of some long forgotten nomad chieftain. A brick-yard just north of the building supplied material for a master bricklayer and his assistants, who had come from the Molotschna for this job. The main sanctuary was oriented parallel to the street, running east- west. The pulpit was on the east end, elevated on a 4‘/z foot platform, which spanned the entire width of the sanctuary. The pulpit itself was created by a mastercraftsman from the south, its form representing an opening lily. On each side of the pulpit were seats for singers, with room The church at Lugovsk under construction [from Friesen] 92 for two choirs. The main sanctuary comfortably seated 800 people. A balcony on the west end seated another 200, but was only used on special occasions. On the north side of the building, west end, there was a room for the women, a cloak- room and a nursery. On the east end was a room for men, a cloak-room and a room for ministers. Later these rooms were combined, allowing use as a dining hall. On the west end of the church lot, horse stables were provided, and there was also a well, allowing horses to be watered over the noon hour. It was felt that the Lugovsk church building was the largest and most beautiful of any in the colony, and the best in the whole Russian Mennonite Brethren constituency. The completed sanctuary at Lugovsk [from Bracks] The dedication of the new building was celebrated on October 7, 1901. The proceedings were undoubtedly chaired by Abram Martens and likely began fairly early in the morning. Guests from various colonies participated; the church was packed to the rafters, there being 3,000 people filling the sanctuary and spilling into the aisles. Elder David Duerksen from the Crimea, known as a prince among Mennonite preachers, and to some degree responsible for the growth of the Lugovsk church, was an invited guest speaker. Elder David Schellenberg, representing the mother church at Rueckenau, was another invited speaker. The newly appointed Elder Komelius Fehr from Kamenka in Orenburg also participated. Komelius G. Neufeld from Devlakanovo of the Ufa Colony was there; his choir enriched the proceedings with a number of songs and concluded the program with a rousing rendition of the glorious Hallelujah Chorus from Handel’s Messiah. After the celebration all 3,000 guests were served a lunch. It was felt that this day the verse of scripture, possibly the motto for the occasion, indeed was fulfilled: “Glorious things are preached within your walls, you city of God .” Psalm 87:3.[ German versions read “Herrliche Dinge werden in dir gepredigt, du Stadt Gottes.” The English versions are different. They read “Glorious things are said of you, O city of God.”] The congregation seemed to thrive in its new facility. The annual Christmas season 93 Bible studies were held in December, 1901, with Abram Martens, Daniel Friesen, Nicholas Toews, J. Klassen and others proclaiming the message of the new birth to a congregation of about 500 people. In all, three churches were constructed in Neu Samara. There was the Mennonite Brethren building at Lugovsk, a Kirchengemeinde building in Pleshanovo and an Alliance house of worship in Donskoye. With eventual collectivization and a more consistant anti- religious policy by the communist government church life and function became more and more difficult. The church in Donskoye was closed on January 6, 1931. It was initially converted into a club and cinema, and in the late 1 940s was revamped to become a school. The church in Pleschanovo was closed at roughly the same time, early in 1931, and was remodelled to house a school. In the late 1960s, when a new school was built, it was coverted to a club. The Lugovsk church continued to function another two years, into 1933, when it was transformed into a high school. The roof was raised to allow construction of a second story; the ten classroom school served the whole colony. In 1973 a new school was built between Lugovsk and the neighbouring Podolysk, so the church building was used as a granary by the collective farm. In 1 995 it was sold to the cheese factory across the street, with the understanding that the building would be restored to its original appearance. To comply with this condition the second story was removed, and the building completely renovated. The cheese factory now uses it for office and laboratory space. Sources: Bracks, J. H., and Hooge, H., Neu-Samara am lock, Clearbrook, B. C., 1964, pp 56, 85-87 Dueck, Abe J., Moving beyond Secession, Kindred Productions, Winnipeg, Canada, and Hillsboro, U.S.A., 1998, pp 26, 33 Friesen, P. M. pp 444, 480 Janzen, Daniel, Die Mennoniten in Russ land, unpublished article, 1998 The Mennonite Encyclopedia News Item, Zionsbote, 16 October 1901, p 4 News Item, Zionsbote, 12 March 1902, pp 4, 5 Background Information: An Architect’s Appraisal and Plan of the Lugovsk Sanctuary Neu Samara Colony Map: Neu Samara Colony Elder David Gerhard Duerksen Elder David Schellenberg Elder Komelius A. Fehr Komelius Gerhard Neufeld Liederperlen and the Hallelujah Chorus 94 AN ARCHITECT’S APPRAISAL RUDY P. FRIESEN, FRAIC, Hon. FAIA ARCHITECT, WINNIPEG, MANITOBA The Mennonite Brethren meetinghouse in Lugovsk was located on the west end of the village, on the north side of the street, and parallel to the street in the traditional manner [almost all Mennonite church buildings in Russia were placed parallel to the street]. It had a spacious sanctuary with a ceiling that may have been well over 20 feet high [the exterior windows could have been 10-12 feet high], and could comfortably seat 800 people. The pulpit\platform was located at the east end of the rectangular building at a height of approximately four and a half feet above the floor. The platform stretched across the full width of the sanctuary, with space for two choirs, one on each side of the pulpit. A balcony with seating for another 200 people extended across the west end. It was used only for overflow seating on special occasions. At each end of the building, on the north side, there was a Halle or entrance hall. Actually this suggests more than just an entrance; the west [women’s] hall had a coat room and a baby room, and the east [men’s] hall had a coat room and a ministers’ room. These two entrance halls were later connected to create a long room used as a dining hall. The photo in Quiring [the one on this page] was likely taken before this was built; one can make out only two arched windows on the north facade [the side away from the picture], suggesting that these halls extended north from the building. The photo in Friesen was likely taken before any of these halls were built. These halls were the main entrances for the men and women respectively. The fact that these entrances faced the church yard was in accordance with the general Mennonite church building tradition; the building was located near the village street, the church yard was behind the building, and the entrances usually faced the church yard. An extension to the west end of the building likely contained a stair to the balcony [similar to the Schoensee church building] and an exit door. The photo in Friesen does not show this addition, yet it clearly indicates that the west wall of the sanctuary was built to accept the extension, with a door opening at ground floor level and another door opening at the balcony level. The west and north extensions were probably constructed soon after the main structure was erected. Based on the chimneys evident on the photos there would have been two stoves in the sanctuary, for heating the building in winter. The exterior walls of the church were made of burned clay bricks, manufactured on site, resting on a foundation made of quarried stone. The hip roof was covered with metal sheeting. The building’s exterior was designed in a neo-classical style, with baroque like windows that recall Partially completed church building at Lugovsk [from Quiring] 95 those of the Gnadenfeld church building [constructed in 1854] in their proportions. A number of the Kirchkiche church buildings constructed around this time had gothic shaped windows. The centre portion of the front facade, facing the street, had a higher parapet. This created a visual axis perpendicular to the street and suggests at first glance that the pulpit\platform would be behind this facade. The entrance halls extending from the north facade reinforced this axis. Yet the interior layout of the sanctuary created an axis parallel to the street. This created an interesting contradiction between what the exterior of the building expressed and the actual interior form. This contradiction was likely quite unusual in Mennonite churches, although Millerovo and Alexandertal may have been similar. Not directly related to architecture, but of interest is the labelling of worship facilities. The Kirchliche gradually adopted the term Kirche or church, the Mennonite Brethren tended to use the terms Versammlungshaus [meeting house] or Bethaiis [house of prayer]. Sources: Quiring, Walter, and Bartel, Helen, A Is Ihre Zeit erfuellt war, published by the authors, 1963, p 139 COAT ROOM COAT ROOM Plan of the Lugovsk sanctuary 96 NEU SAMARA COLONY Neu Samara [also known as Pleshanovo] was established in 1891 by settlers from the Molotschna. The colony bought 20,388 dessiatines of land for 664,416 rubles in the Luxemburg District, Region Busuluk, 400 kilometres east of the city of Samara. The parcel of land, largely south of the Tok River, was purchased from a number of land owners, among them Krassikov, Pleshanov and Bogomasov. Intended for Molotschna landless families, pioneers to this colony received farmsteads, but had very few other resources, so initial development was slow. Farmers had to adjust to different soil and much longer and more severe winters. Droughts devastated crops about every five years. Originally 12 villages were laid out, but by 1917 there had been expansion to 14 villages and at least nine separate estates, 3,670 people occupying almost 32,000 dessiatines. Each village started with an elementary school, although buildings were of clay bricks with thatched roofs, and instruction was quite rudimentary. A secondary school [Zentralschule] was established in Lugovsk in 1908, moving into a brand new building in 1910. Medical services were at first primitive, but in time there was a doctor. In 1 907 a hospital founded by G. G. Voth was dedicated in Pleshanovo; it was enlarged when the district took over its management in 1912. In time there were small shops in each village, with two larger stores in the colony. By 1917 there were two farm implement dealers, a cheese factory, a number of metal machine shops, furniture factories and one painting business. There were three steam driven flour mills and one water-powered mill on the Tok River. The Pleshanovo Mennonite Church was established in 1 89 1 , the first services taking place at a temporary camp near the mill on the Tok River. A sanctuary meant to serve the whole colony was built in the village of Pleshanovo, and dedicated in 1900. In 1905 the elder was Daniel Boschmann, and the baptized membership stood at 1,034. Only few initial settlers were Mennonite Brethren, but their numbers swelled through the work of itinerant ministers such as David Duerksen of the Crimea. Abram Martens was leader of the congregation from 1893 to 1926. A large church building was erected in Lugovsk, the dedication service being held on October 7, 1901 . Three thousand guests packed the sanctuary for the celebration. In 1 909 an Allianz church was established in Donskoye, erecting a building in that village. In time the members drifted to the Mennonite Brethren, Donskoye becoming an affiliate of the Lugovsk congregation. Neu Samara suffered little during the revolution, but the front passed through the area on several occasions during the civil war. In 1919-20 the Neu Samara settlement became part of the Bashkir Republic, beginning a period of frequent requisitioning and oppression. Following the request of a delegation sent to Moscow, Neu Samara and Orenburg were transferred to the administration of the Russian regional government in 1921. In the 1920s a number of people left the area, at least 104 migrating to Canada in 1926. During the collectivization of 1929-30 many, especially wealthier farmers and religious leaders, were exiled to Siberia or the far north. The settlement itself, however, was not totally destroyed, leaving a considerable number of Mennonites in the area. Church congregations were disbanded, especially after the imprisonment of most of the leadership, the buildings being used as clubs or for schools. Initially all 14 villages formed one collective farm, but later they were divided into three administrative regions. Religious life seems to have persisted, and showed renewal even during Stalin’s later years. There were many obstacles to overcome, imprisonment was still a constant threat, but by 1976 a Mennonite Brethren church was registered in Donskoye, and on April 15, 1978 construction of a 97 new church building was begun. By the 1980s there was a flourishing Mennonite Brethren congregation in Donskoye, with Pastor Daniel Janzen. The land in the region was part of the Karl Marx Collective Farm, centred in Podolysk. In recent years, particularly after the breakdown of the Iron Curtain, many Mennonites have left the area, migrating to Germany as Aussiedler. Sources: Brucks, J. H., and Hooge, H., Neu-Samara am Tock, Clearbrook, B. C., 1964 Janzen, Daniel, Die Mennoniten in Russland, unpublished article, 1 998 Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 54, 134-135 Neu Samara Colony 98 ELDER DAVID GERHARD DUERKSEN [1850-1910] Special invited guest speaker at the Lugovsk dedication service David Duerksen was bom in the Molotschna, likely in Margenau. Not having opportunity for further education, he was largely a self taught man. Even early on his talents were recognized, leading to his appointment as village teacher. In a few years the previously neglected Margenau school was considered to be one of the best in the Gnadenfeld Volost. Duerksen’ s teaching skills and spiritual gifts were so well thought of that he was elected as minister of the Margenau Mennonite Church. Here he soon demonstrated an independent, yet devout spirit, in that he preached without using the old prescribed sermons, and prayed spontaneously. This delighted some, but aroused the opposition of others in the congregation. In 1884 and 1885 a considerable number of people in the area, including ministers, joined the Mennonite Brethren Church, Duerksen among them. He began worshipping with the Rueckenau Mennonite Brethren congregation. Recognizing his evangelistic fervour and his skill at preaching, he was chosen as an itinerant minister for the entire Mennonite Brethren Conference. In this capacity Duerksen visited most Mennonite settlements in European and Asiatic Russia, as well as the United States and Germany. In his travels he also preached in the recently established Neu Samara, greatly increasing the Mennonite Brethren presence in that colony. In 1897 the Spat-Schoental congregation extended a call to Duerksen to assume responsibility for leadership of the growing Mennonite Brethren constituency. Knowing that this might somewhat limit the sphere of his activities to the local area, he nonetheless accepted, and moved to Schoental. In 1 899 Duerksen was ordained as elder, with Elder Aron Lepp of Chortitza and Elder David Schellenberg of Rueckenau presiding. The Spat-Schoental congregation became organizationally independent, with sanctuaries in Spat [1887] and Schoental [1905]. In 1902 membership stood at 330, with 500 additional adherents. David Duerksen was called “a prince among Mennonite preachers”. Even when he had specific obligations in the Crimea, his heart was in evangelism; he was also called upon to speak at many special occasions. His sermons were always “very well worked out, and prepared on his knees”. He preached with deep conviction and great enthusiasm. Duerksen was a well respected teacher, having been in that profession for 1 8 years, and in the Crimea was a member of the board which supervised the teaching of religion and German in the schools. He organized monthly youth meetings [Jugendvereine] , not only planning them, but often writing poems, plays and songs for the programs. He wrote extensively; one hundred of his sermons are extant and testify to his widespread concerns. The question of open communion which plagued the Ruekenau church also flared up in the Crimea. Duerksen in time came to side with those who would restrict communion to baptized members only. This controversy caused him some difficulties towards the end of his career. David Duerksen was married to Anna Martens of Hamberg, Molotschna on November 23, 99 1871. She was a loving support for his work. The couple had nine children, of which five survived to adulthood, Gerhard [later a medical doctor], Katharina [married Jacob C. Reimer], David, Johann, and another girl. Anna died September 20, 1906. It seems that after Anna’s death Duerksen remarried, the bride being suggested by a friend of his. Apparently the marriage was not a happy one. After nine months of painful suffering David Duerksen died on July29, 1910; the funeral was on August 4. He, despite having been involved in some controversies, seems to have been able to bridge the gaps to continue ministry. For more than two decades he was one of the strongest influences for the awakening, nurturing and furthering the spiritual life in the Russian Mennonite churches. Sources: Brucks, J. H., and Hooge, H., Neu-Samara am Tock, Clearbrook, B. C., 1964, pp 85, 86 Duerksen, David, family tree Durksen, Martin, Die Krim war unsere Heimat, Winnipeg, Canada, 1977, pp 150-51 Durksen, Martin, family tree Friesen, P. M. pp. 193, 202, 216, 324, 373, 407, 410, 414, 415, 439-42, 445, 458, 466-468, 470, 479, 529, 530, 561, 563, 720, 723 Mennonitisches Lexikon News Item, Zionsbote, 7 September 1910, p 5 News Item, Zionsbote, A brief obituary of David Duerksen, 21 September 1910, p 9 Obituary of Anna Duerksen [Martens], written by David G. Duerksen, Mennonitische Rundschau, 28 November 1906, p 10 Toews, J. A., pp 83, 89, 90, 369 100 ELDER DAVID SCHELLENBERG [1852-1919] Special invited guest speaker at the Lugovsk dedication service David Schellenberg was bom in Neukirch, Molotschna, on September 13, 1852, to Abraham and Maria Schellenberg. His elementary school education was supplemented by extensive reading. Initially a very enthusiastic and well thought of Sunday school teacher, he was ordained to the ministry on October 2, 1 876, at the age of 24. He commented “It came as a surprise to me; I did not think I had the gift, but really one could not refuse.” Elder Abraham Schellenberg, his older brother, emigrated to the United States in 1 879, taking part of the Rueckenau congregation with him. David Schellenberg was elected elder of the remaining membership on April 14, 1881, and was ordained on May 23, 1882. Particularly in his earlier ministry Elder David Schellenberg was modest and wise, and gladly recognized the talents of others. On July 6, 1886, he presided at the ordination of a number of ministers, Jakob Reimer, David Duerksen, Peter Bergmann as well as Isaak Koop and Isaak Friesen. The celebration was described as a well attended time of blessing. The Rueckenau church was recognized as being rich in those capable of the teaching ministry, and so was willing to send out itinerant ambassadors. In this capacity “David Schellenberg was able in 1890 to accept it as God’s will that he embark on a trip to the Mennonite Brethren churches of America. He, through proclamation of the Word and various other activities, was a blessing to many, as he himself was also blessed.” Schellenberg sent a number of reports of this trip to the Mennonite publications. He and a number of others travelled to America via Berlin, Bremen, New York and Chicago; he was particularly impressed by the Berlin Zoo and the Brooklyn Bridge. From September to December 1890, Schellenberg visited churches and various acquaintances in Kansas, Nebraska, Minnesota, the Dakotas and even Manitoba. Together with others, including his older brother, Elder Abraham Schellenberg, he preached in many of the churches and participated in conferences. In 1 899 David Duerksen was ordained elder of the Spat-Schoental congregation by Aron Lepp [Chortitza] and David Schellenberg. He, as elder of the Molotschna Mennonite Brethren Church, represented the mother church at Rueckenau in the dedication of the sanctuary of the affiliate daughter church at Lugovsk. On May 3, 1904, Schellenberg ordained A. H. Unruh as a minister of the Mennonite Brethren Church of Barvenkovo. The travel bug seems to have bitten Elder Schellenberg; he made at least two more extensive trips to America. April to September, 1 908 he travelled “from Saskatchewan to Oregon and California.” He again visited the New World from December, 1913 to June, 1914. Besides writing travel reports Schellenberg also penned a number of articles published in the Zionsbote. He covered a variety of subjects, such as “Giving,” “What God does with Mankind” and “One in the Spirit.” Elder Schellenberg was caught up in the “open communion” controversy which erupted in the Rueckenau church, taking the more restrictive approach. Eventually, together with some questions about his personal life, which may have had something to do with finances, this dispute led to his being deposed from the office of elder at Pentecost of 1909. The last ten years of his life were spent quietly, in fellowship as a church member, but not as elder. David Schellenberg married Lena Ens in 1879; the couple had four children. Lena died in 1 903, and David married Sara Koop [Klassen] in 1 904. He died in 1 9 1 9, his funeral being held on March 3, just before the Red Army invaded the Molotschna. 101 Sources: Brucks, J. H. and Hooge, H., Neu-Samara am Tock, Clearbrook, Canada, 1964, p 86 Ewert, Wilhelm F., Letter to the editor, Zionsbote, 16 October 1901, p 4 Friesen, P. M„ pp 407, 410, 414, 415, 439-442, 445, 458, 468, 530, 720, 723 Mennonite Encyclopedia News Report, Mennonitische Rundschau, 20 July 1904, p 9 Schellenberg, David, Letters to the Editor, Zionsbote, 29 October 1890, p 4; 5 November 1890, p 2; 12 November 1890, pp 2, 3; 17 December 1890, p 4; 1 June 1910, pp 3, 4 Schellenberg, David, Geben, Zionsbote, 30 July 1902, pp L 2 Toews, J. A., pp 81, 89, 91, 101, 304, 305 102 ELDER KORNELIUS A. FEHR [1846-1920] Special invited guest speaker at the Lugovsk dedication service Komelius Fehr was bom in 1846, likely in the Chortitza Colony. He married Margaretha Koslowsky in 1868, but it appears that the couple had no living children. About 1877 both were converted, and in 1 885 Komelius was appointed deacon of the Einlage Mennonite Brethren Church. In 1893 he was commissioned as minister. In 1900 Fehr moved to the Orenburg Colony, likely settling in the village of Kamenka. Despite there being only five Mennonite Brethren families in Kamenka, a sandstone house of worship was built there, with the strong financial backing of Fehr. The building was completed and dedicated in 1900. The following year the Kamenka congregation, initially an affiliate of Einlage, became independent. Fehr was commissioned elder on July 17, 1901, the presiding minister at the ceremony being Elder Aron Lepp of Einlage, Chortitza. Shortly after his commissioning Elder Fehr represented the Orenburg Mennonite Brethren Church at the Lugovsk church dedication. Fehr had a long history of being active in various conferences and meetings. He was recorded as having been at a convention in Einlage May 20, 1882 and intermittently through the years to at least 1913, when he represented Kamenka at a convention in Spat. He participated, occasionally playing a minor role, never being a major force in conference activities. On at least one occasion he travelled to Siberia as minister, and also participated in the distribution of flour to poor people. Fehr’s own congregation in Orenburg grew, in 1902 having 176 members, in 1904 there were 259, and in 1906 this had increased to 288. Eventually the membership split into three congregations. Towards the end of December of 1919 both Margaretha and Komelius became ill with typhus. Margaretha succumbed December 30, while Komelius died a few days later, early on January 1 , 1 920. Altogether they had 1 2 foster children in their home, of which only one survived them. A combined funeral was held in the Kamenka sanctuary on January 3; the building was far too small to hold the large number of mourners. Ministers at the funeral were Gerhard Neufeld, David Franz, David Paetkau, and Elder H. Rempel of the Orenburg Mennonite Church. It was said of Margaretha and Komelius Fehr “Their life has honoured the Lord.” Sources: Brucks, J. H., and Hooge, H., Neu-Samara am Tock, Clearbrook, B. C., 1964, p 86 Dueck, Abe J., Moving Beyond Secession: Defining Russian Mennonite Brethren Mission and Identity 1872-1922, Kindred Productions, Winnipeg, Canada, 1997, pp 41, 55, 58, 66, 69, 75,76, 77,81,87 Fast, Karl, Orenburg: die letzte Mennonitische Ansiedlung in Osteuropa, Das Bunte Fenster, Winnipeg, Canada, 1995, pp 37-40, 150 Friesen, P.M., p 476 News Item, Mennonitische Rundschau, 26 Mar 1924, p 13 103 KORNELIUS GERHARD NEUFELD [1871-1946] Conductor of the visiting Ufa choir Komelius Gerhard Neufeld was bom on February 25, 1871 in Alexanderkrone, Molotschna, where he spent his early childhood. He was baptized on confession of faith and joined the Mennonite Brethren Church at the age of 18, remaining a member up to the time of his death. He began his education in Ohrloff, graduating from the high school in 1 888. He taught for three years at in intermediate school in Sagradovka, then from 1895 to 1897 continued more advanced studies at a Theological Seminary and the University of Basel in Switzerland. He then moved to Davlekanovo, Ufa Colony, where he was appointed principal of the elementary school. Komelius was ordained as a minister of the Mennonite Brethren Church, but also had special interests in teaching and music. He was described as very talented and progressive; he had a striking appearance, and loved to wear a white vest on special occasions. During his time in Ufa he continued to function as a Mennonite Brethren minister, and likely was the choir conductor for the local congregation. It is in this capacity that Komelius Neufeld and his choir will have performed at the dedication ceremonies at Lugovsk. From 1902 to 1905 he taught in Neu Samara, likely in Lugovsk, then went on to study at Spurgeon’s Pastors College in London, England. He must have been an observer or an auditing student, for he is not on the official registry of the school. During his travels Komelius studied at various places in Germany and Austria as well. Wherever he went he also took in musical performances. He heard cathedral choirs in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Berlin and Rome. He had listened to Bach’s St. Matthew ’s Passion in Basel and Mendelsohn’s St. Paul in Dresden. According to his own account the most memorable experience, however, was hearing Handel’s Messiah performed by a 4,000 voice choir at the Crystal Palace in London in May of 1906. On his return to Russia Komelius continued on as a minister, and is listed as such by the Lugovsk congregation, but he also played an important part in music workshops which were held in various Mennonite colonies. He was elected chairman of a new choral association of choirs and conductors of the Ufa, Neu Samara, Alt Samara and Orenburg colonies. In 1908 Komelius was appointed principal of the newly established Zentralschule in Davlekanovo, Ufa Colony, being one of two teachers that year. The school was unusual, in that it was coeducational; enrollment went from 44 the first year to 87 in the second and 130 pupils in the third year. Teacher Neufeld had the special skill to enthuse young people. He held weekly lectures open to students and the public in which he covered a wide range of subjects. He edited a periodical “. Aujwaerts ,” which at first emphasized choral music, but then broadened its scope to interest all aspects of youth work. Despite support from the Mennonite Brethren Conference, Neufeld found the financial burden of the publication to be too heavy, so he discontinued this The Crystal Palace, London, built for the Great Exposition of 1851 104 project after two years. Komelius married Maria Friesen in 1895; the couple had four children, Maria, Lillian, Komelius, and another which died in infancy. The family was emigrating to the United States when his wife died in late 1913; she was buried in Germany. The remaining Neufeld family landed in New York and first settled in Fairmead, then in Reedly, California. Komelius married Louise Schapansky in 1916. In his later years he pastored churches in Rosedale and Shafter, California. He died in Bakersfield on May 2, 1946, after an illness of about nine months. Sources: Berg, Wesley, From Russia with Music, Hyperion Press Limited, Winnipeg, Canada, 1985, pp 28-33 Bracks, J. H., Neu-Samara am Took, Clearbrook, Canada, 1964, p 86 Ewert, William F., Letter to the Editor, Zionsbote, 16 October 1901, p 4 Friesen, P. M., pp 624, 672 Hein, Gerhard, Editor, Ufa: Die mennonitische Ansiedlung bei Ufa am Uralgebirge 1894-1938, July, 1975, numerous references Mennonite Historical Atlas, p 135 Obituary of Komelius G. Neufeld, Zionsbote, 10 July, 1946, p 12 Powles, J. C., Librarian, Spurgeon’s College, London, England, Letter, 15 May 1998 105 LIEDERPERLEN AND THE HALLELUJAH CHORUS In the mid and late nineteenth century new music was entering the repertoire of some of the Mennonite churches and choirs of Russia - particularly among the Mennonite Brethren. Initially new music had to be ordered from Germany or North America, but this then had to be transposed into Ziffern, with which the Mennonite singers were familiar. Ziffern is a system of musical notation using numbers to represent notes, popularized among the Mennonites by Heinrich Franz [Sr.], a long time teacher in the Mennonite colonies of South Russia. Publication of Liederperlen by Isaak Bom began in 1889. A considerable portion of the music came from American German gospel collections such as Evangeliums-Lieder, the rest were taken from Swiss and German sources. In time music written by Mennonite composers such as Aron Sawatzky also appeared, and the scope widened even more to include world recognized classical music scores. The Hallelujah Chorus , part of Handel’s Messiah, was transposed to Ziffern and printed in the 1896 second edition of Liederperlen, edited by Heinrich Braun of Neu-Halbstadt, Taurien. It is quite likely that Komelius Neufeld’s choir from Ufa used this songbook for its performance in Lugovsk in 1901 . More editions of Liederperlen were printed over the years. The third [ 1 897] was collected by H. J. Braun, the fourth [1900] by Isaak Bom, the fifth [1903] also by Isaak Bom. It was labelled as “A collection of lovely songs for mixed choir.” The sixth edition [1907] was by Heinrich Braun of Nikolaipol, the seventh [1910] and eighth [1912] were gathered by Komelius Neufeld of Davlekanovo, Ufa Colony. Sources: Berg, Wesley, From Russia with Music, Hyperion Press Limited, Winnipeg, Canada, 1985. pp 16-18, 26 Braun, Heinrich, Liederperlen, Part II, Neu-Halbstadt, Russia, 1896, pp 125-131 Hallelujah in Ziffern in the 1896 edition of Liederperlen Title page of 1896 edition of Liederperlen Right lower comer smudged from much use! 106 17. FIRES m 1904 In the Molotschna Colony the summer of 1 904 was dry and hot. No rain had fallen since May 22, and the temperature in early July was 30°R [37.5°C]. Hay crops were suffering, although some of the other grains did manage a fair yield. Heinrich Thiessen of Michailovka reported an unusual number of fires in the Molotschna in August and September. A strong prevailing wind from the east only helped the rapid spread of flames once a fire began. Peter Goossen of Lindenau felt that some fires were started by arsonists, but others came about through carelessness. A prairie fire began near Hierschau, likely in August, then spread to the Hamberg steppe. While no buildings were reported burned, it destroyed much grain which had already been cut, with losses said to be enormous. Then the action really started! In late August or early September a huge fire caused considerable destruction in Muensterberg. Five small farms were completely destroyed. The fire also struck six large farmsteads, one was totally destroyed, the others were left with houses only and one additional bam. In Tiegenhagen one large farmstead was completely destroyed on September 1 1 , while in another six only the houses were saved. A substantial part of Rueckenau was destroyed by a huge conflagration on September 13. Possibly spreading from the surrounding steppes, the fire started on the first farm at the east end of the village, lower [north] side of the street. Despite all efforts to contain the blaze, it raced up the street, driven by the wind, eventually reaching the western end of the village. Remarkably only one farmstead remained intact on that side of the street, that of Cornelius Penner, where not even the straw stacks burned! Seven additional houses were also spared, although the rest of the farmsteads had been destroyed. The wind was a fickle foe, and periodically shifted directions, so the fire also jumped to the upper, south side of the street. It swept down a row of houses, claiming at least five small farmsteads, stopping only at the school and store, which were situated on the Mittelstrasse. Two young men, a son of the storekeeper and a Russian farmhand, were working in the bam. They heard cries of panic, upon which the hired hand leaped down to the ground, landing on a huge pile of watermelons. They both ran out to help control the fire. Widow Peter Neufeld, who lived near the Mittelstrasse, being obese and short of breath, luckily had enough breath left to call for help, otherwise she may have succumbed to the fire. One woman was so confused that she returned to her burning house to save what she could. She began to throw crockery out through the window, of course smashing it in the process. In all, at least 35 farmsteads were totally or partially destroyed in Rueckenau. At first the refugees were housed in the church and school, but then they had to find accommodations with relatives in neighbouring villages while their farmsteads were being rebuilt. The day after the fire some of the people were digging among the ruins, hoping to find at least some half burned grain to feed their cattle. It was said that a number of farmers, owning what they thought to be fairly fireproof buildings, had very little insurance coverage. The same ill-fated September 13 two large farmsteads were destroyed by fire in 107 Blumstein, another two or three losing straw stacks and threshing facilities. Also during this time two farmsteads burned in Altonau, one being completely destroyed, as well as one in Margenau and another in Gnadenthal [September 25]. Despite the many fires in the Molotschna that summer, there was no loss of life, although some people in Rueckenau literally escaped with only the clothing on their backs. No report mentions fire fighting methods. The one reference to equipment is by Jakob Wiens of Tiegerweide, the village immediately to the west of Rueckenau. When he heard the news of the fire he commented “We reacted to the news with fear and trembling, in that there was a strong eastwind [presumably there was some danger of the fire spreading to the next village]. We prepared the Spritze [small fire wagon?], harnessed my horse, then set off to observe the frightening spectacle at closer range. In a quarter of an hour we reached the first farm on the west end of the village and helped the Sukkaus clear out their belongings.” No mention is made of the use of the fire wagon. It was undoubtedly far too little, too late. The general tendency was for farmers to rebuild as soon as possible, especially since it was already late in the year. It was mentioned by a number of correspondents that unfortunately there was a shortage of building materials such as bricks and tiles. This made it unlikely that all the victims of the fire would be in their new homes before winter set in. By November 5 the weather was reported to be no longer suitable for construction. The next summer it was noted that people in Rueckenau were very busy building, and that rumour had it that some of the farmers were constructing very nice homes. There was also a spiritual lesson to be learned from these catastrophes. Jakob Wiens of Tiegerweide commented “May the Lord protect us from further mishap, so sighs many a person during this time. We ever more learn that ‘Unless the Lord watches over the city, the watchmen stand guard in vain’ [Psalm 127:16].” Sources: Gislason, Leona Wiebe, Rueckenau, Toronto, Canada, 1998, p 78 Goossen, Peter, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 2 November 1904, pp 4, 5 Huebert, M., Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 31 August 1904, p 3 Huebert, M., Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 5 October 1904, p 9 Martens, John, Interview by Leona Wiebe Gislason, 1994 News item from Odesser Zeitung in Mennonitische Rundschau, 26 October 1904, p 9 News Item, Mennonitisch Rundschau, 5 July 1905, p 9 Thiessen, Heinrich J., Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 9 November 1904, pp 4, 5 Wiens, Jakob, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 19 October 1904, p 4 Woelk, Jakob, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 21 December 1904, p 5 Background Information: Map: Western Molotschna Colony and Halbstadt Weather in the Molotschna Colony Fire Insurance 108 Western Molotschna Colony and Halbstadt, showing the villages which had fires in 1904 109 WEATHER IN THE MOLOTSCHNA COLONY Climate in the Molotschna had a distinctly continental flavour, with extremes being common. Summer temperatures were usually 16-20°R [Reaumur temperature scale was used], which is 20-25 °C. Maximum temperatures recorded in Halbstadt and Ohrloff were 3 1 °R [about 39°C or 102°F] in July of 1850. The temperature of 30°R in the summer of 1904 was therefore near record highs. Combined with dry winds, the heat sometimes resulted in severe droughts. Overall yearly precipitation in the Molotschna was low, averaging 30-35 cm. [12-14 inches], most coming in May, June and July. In 1904 no rain was reported after May 22, so conditions were indeed more dry than the average. The unusually high temperatures, the absence of rain and the strong wind from the east certainly combined to make the Molotschna a dry tinderbox. waiting to bum! Sources: Huebert, H. T., Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, pp 20, 21 Molotschna Report, Unterhaltungs Blatt, August 1851, p 63 and January 1852 Rempel, David, The Mennonite Colonies in New Russia, PhD dissertation, Stanford University, July, 1933 Thiessen, Heinrich, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 17 July 1901, p 2 FIRE INSURANCE The Molotschna Colony had a well established community fire insurance. Payment of insurance premiums and methods of fire prevention were compulsory. With danger of fire in mind, many farmers changed thatched roofs to tiles. Cornelius Penner of Rueckenau had his farmstead burned out ten years prior to the 1904 fire, and had tiles on all his new roofs. This may have saved his household even though all his neighbours burned. From 1872 to 1882 payment for fire losses in the Molotschna averaged 45.200 rubles per year. By 1909 it had risen to 55,831 rubles, although this included some of the other Mennonite colonies. The payouts represented two-thirds of the assessed value of the buildings, and specified amounts for machinery and animals. It seems that fanners did have some choice as to the exact extent of insurance coverage. Payment of premiums depended on the needs of the comm unity, the more fires for the year, the higher the premiums. With this in mind Peter Goossen, in 1904, lamented that " in spite of fairly good crops it will be difficult for many to pay so much fire insurance premium Sources: Goossen, Peter, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 2 November 1904, pp 4, 5 Huebert, H. T., Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, pp 145, 146 Klaus, A., Unsere Kolonien, Odesser Zeitung, Odessa, 1887, pp 229, 230 News Report, Mennonitische Rundschau, 15 February 1883, p 2 News Report, Friedensstimme, 16 January 1910, p 4 110 18. EXPOSITION IN HALBSTADT AUGUST 14-16, 1909 The Molotschna section of the Royal Russian Fruit Growers Association [Kaiserlich Russischen Obstbauverein ] planned an exposition [ Obstbauaustellung ] for August 14-16, 1909. It was to be held in Halbstadt in the building and on the grounds of the School of Commerce [Kommerzschule]. There would also be some opportunity for related agricultural products to be displayed. The organizing committee placed several announcements in the newspaper Friedensstimme, asking that those who were interested in mounting displays to contact the secretary of the Association, Fr. Wall of Muntau, by August 1. They could then discuss space requirements as well as other arrangements. On the morning of August 14 the president of the Association, P. Wiebe, officially opened the exposition. In his welcoming remarks to the considerable number of visitors at hand, he emphasized that the Association had begun and continued its efforts in the context of its motto, Colossians 3:17. This reads: “And, whatever you do, whether in word or deed, do it all in the name of the Lord Jesus, giving thanks to God the Father through him.” Wiebe continued by explaining the three objectives the Association had set for the exposition. First, to inform the public about the state of fruit growing and gardening. Second, to introduce and promote new varieties of fruit. Third, to give opportunity to sell products. The person who reported on the exposition [no name was given, but initials were H. Sch.] felt that it should not be judged by international standards, but rather as the “accomplishments of a small group of pioneer farmers lost on the treeless steppes of South Russia.” With this in mind, he thought, the results were worthy of praise! The exposition included the display of, and then the judging of fruit in various categories. The judges were experts from the Simferopol section of the Royal Association. Some of the prize winners were: J. Friesen, Rueckenau, large gold medal for an assortment of commercial fruit; K. Enns, Altonau, small gold medal for his tree nursery and a collection of fruit; A. Lissner, Ackerman, small gold medal for an assortment of commercial fruit. Large and small silver medals were handed out in various categories as well as bronze medals. The organization itself had prepared displays demonstrating the development of insects detrimental to fruit, showing the stages from pupa to butterfly. It was felt that it would be easier to defeat the enemy if you could recognize him, no matter what the phase. The reporter then wandered through the various displays, mentioning, however, that he would emphasize only the new and innovative. He further added that he would overcome his usual shyness, and boldly ask the exhibitors many questions about their products. The subsequent comments are an interesting barometer of life in the Mennonite colonies at that time. H. Ediger, of Kurman, Crimea, showed a system of canning, whereby fruit was said to retain its taste, smell and appearance. The total apparatus, together with enough jars to do for a typical farm establishment, would cost between 50 and 100 rubles. It came with a printed set of instructions. Ill The publishing house, Raduga, had a display of books dealing with cooking, canning and preserving of fruit, as well with fruit, grape and garden growing. There were also books about various related topics discussing the household and the farm. With such a wide variety, there was something for almost any interest. The factory Franz & Schroeder of Halbstadt displayed a new grain cutting machine [Getreidemaehmachine] with a recently invented self-binding Schellenberg attachment [patent pending]. This machine had actually undergone field trials in the last three crop years. Heinrich Schroeder, also of Halbstadt, showed a locally manufactured eight horse¬ power stationary naphtha motor called Advance. It appeared to run very smoothly. Its principal advantage over foreign motors was the price, perhaps one third less. Because it was made locally there was less transportation cost, and it was not subject to import duties. There was considerable interest in the multibladed plows [called bugger], produced by the factories Fuchs of Tokmak, and J. J. Neufeld & Ko. of Waldheim. It had hand levers at the front end of the machine to raise or lower the plow blades. Gaede of Lichtfelde had produced and run trials on an incubator for chickens. Even though it was in common use in foreign countries, Mennonite farmers had tended to resist this innovation. The reporter felt that the people who persisted in the “sitting behind the stove” technique of raising chickens would certainly not take the world by storm! Fr. Heine of Prischib displayed a new type of paint, Ripolin, which had considerable advantage over the well known oil-based paints. It was particularly useful for painting roof tiles, but also very good for covering wood, iron and stucco. H. Janz of Alexandrovsk offered a practical, well designed iron cook, fry and bake stove, while Friesen and Dueck of Halbstadt showed a large collection of American Keystone-Elgin clocks and watches. The arts were not entirely neglected in this exposition, being represented mainly by the paintings of Johann H. Janzen of Ohrloff. Having felt uncomfortable in judging fruit growing, the writer of the report was even less confident of being an art critic. But then, he mused, every bird has the right to sing regardless of the shape of its beak! Who was he to judge whether in Janzen’s painting the water really splashed over the rocks, or if there was real foam, or was it just an illusion? Was the sunshine in his landscapes really warm, was the water clear, and was it perchance actually wet? The writer philosophized that if life consisted only of factories, mills, places of business and grain bins, with no aesthetic values produced by homes, churches and the arts, we would all simply be animals, homo sapiens. One painting by a Miss M. Schroeder of Berdyansk actually sold for 60 rubles; it depicted a very realistic looking pair of oxen. The exposition appeared to be a financial success; more than four and a half thousand entrance tickets were sold. Together with other sources of income the Association likely netted more than 1 ,000 rubles. Considering the overall benefits of such an exposition to the public, the reporter felt that the Association well deserved this profit. There was one little complaint. Should there be another event of this nature, then the specific age for children’s tickets should be defined. This would settle some of the disputes which erupted between ticket vendors and visitors, where the definition of a child varied all the way from seven to fifteen years. But, the reporter adds, this small criticism should not sour the overall impression of this event. 112 Sources: Announcement, Obstbauaustellung, Friedensstimme, 25 July 1909, p 13, and 1 August 1909, P 13 News Report, Friedensstimme, 22 August 1909, pp 8, 9 News Report, Mennonitische Rundschau, 29 September 1909, pp 12, 13 Background Information: Advertizing in Friedensstimme Johann Heinrich Janzen, Artist ADVERTISING IN FRIEDENSSTIMME While most Mennonites were basically deeply religious people, cultivation of the land and other related activities have also been close to their hearts. God’s blessings have often been associated with bountiful harvest and thriving agricultural business. It should therefore not come as a surprise that Mennonites would promote expositions, particularly if they were related to agriculture. This philosophy would easily be reflected in Mennonite publications. Friedensstimme, a privately published newspaper, was to a large extent owned and operated by church people. While the principal owners and editors were businessmen and also writers, they were ministers as well. The contents of the paper may therefore be taken as an indication of what some of the church hierarchy thought. In the first half of 1909 Friedensstimme published a 16 page paper, of which on the average eleven pages were text, five pages advertising. Some of the companies which are recorded as having displays at the exposition also ran fairly regular advertisements in the paper. Examples are those of Franz & Schroeder of Neu-Halbstadt, and Friesen and Dueck of Halbstadt. 3)1 it Qkpftnodriiflciii btcljrrn ti*ir uitti t>cin gvrltrtcti T'uMihnu jpir ttctiiilnitf jit brinjicn. baft u'ir in mtfmn II I) r < n * 'J.'i a n n \ i h ictit cine iHofir flueuoM trr mdibmibmicn anifrtltinijrtirn lafdjrnubrrii KEYSTON E-ELGIN m man it* jjell'plultnl «»• t«voK, Bh’lb rouble, iilbft, -Jlicffl apalrtn I'flbm. Xieir flcljfiuiic lltjmi uiit «ri)\ai»b Wcljaufcn. tic in .tiumM. fliritu, iftiubtu.u'if ii. retitid'lunb unt> itiibtri: fi* bilirlt .Uii'orKuen. rein imp bin ten .tvi«li.iiiblcu nnimtaitmftrit Weluiufr I'inren .tiirii in •Hindniib (ihcii jtcie ^iiichiiKiibrii Otbj.ib, tine nidi! ohm* tflfiii : (# I’onbi’H *iil» l-uM urn fin Hdunijf, it'clihe* No itfrrf bor Pan Or; Minmii 2t.nl *e* idupt; l claim lint imp (Watrtii. h«p 'Witt. :mt fun* «'*el-a»ife*3 mil WciiMiiPrn orrfrbrM. u»*hbe hide hnri Icile »f‘i ir * ?i»M .uifamnuiiKilton. 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ToprosoM^ AOMy Opamo. m LLlpeAept. Jclcflrnimnnhrcfir : ro^bfiuiTaA'ni. OpaHuy. Wclbcitf 11 ft lOern c IRt- b.iiUrn. 'Jt'ifle •.Hiuif-ii 11 '.mq^Sdyrc itoi . fluijt-TPfm c:ii oil M* n iru tmierr moblrvliimtu*!* niclrnbcnioliniflliltiiitii rrtirtjiuQldntfii, ‘^rtiu iiitinoldjtHCH. tin uud iiiftiridjnr t'ftuqc. i till* p limit, Itillni in.uiiifrtr 11 cut 11 Htitliofr, frfiup ’.‘fr. ■•iO-'H jpiirffd. nmfdiinni Wnriciiyfliirir. jl'Climloruriiliur. Imbtfliiliidjc Cflptcntn, Ifldlpfaiiiiriiurtiini ufw. 113 JOHANN HEINRICH JANZEN [1868-1917] Artist who displayed paintings at the 1 909 Halbstadt Exposition Johann Heinrich Janzen was bom in Waldheim, Molotschna Colony, on January 6, 1868. He was the eldest son of Heinrich Johann Janzen, who was an artist, a teacher, preacher as well as a surveyor. Johann completed the Gnadenfeld Zentralschule, then took teacher training in Halbstadt. After that he attended the teachers’ college in Feodosiya in the Crimea for three years. While in the Crimea he became acquainted with, and was tutored by the marine artist, Aiwasowsky . It is probably this influence which inspired Johann’s early paintings of seascapes. In 1889 Johann was appointed as teacher at the Ohrloff Zentralschule, in mathematics. He held this position for 28 years, until his death in 1917. He used imagination and innovation to liven up dry and boring teaching methods. For a number of years, including 1910, he was chairman of the Molotschna Teachers’ Society. Johann had originally been racked by doubts and was searching in his spiritual life. In 1906 he had a conversion experience, and accepted a more pietistic philosophy of life. He became active in the church, and was ordained as a minister of the Gnadenfeld Mennonite Church in 1909. Living on the steppes in the Molotschna increasingly inspired Johann to use his surroundings as subject for his painting. His younger brother Jakob H. Janzen put it this way: “But then he lived and worked as a teacher on the steppes, among the people of the steppes, and in the dust of the steppes - and it became clear to him that in the ordinary monotony there was an unexpected beauty.” Johann painted in oils, did pencil sketches and used water colours. He tended to favour Molotschna landscapes, but also painted on commission, at which time his subjects might vary. He did little in the way of promoting his art, displaying only at modest exhibitions in Ohrloff and Halbstadt. Johann illustrated a book written by his brother Jakob, Denn meine Augen haben deinen Heiland gesehen, which was published in 1910. He also illustrated the months in Abraham Kroeker’s Christlicher Familienkalendar. It is likely that in t Typical Mennonite village in South Russia - picture drawn by Johann Janzen 114 the Halbstadt Exposition of 1909 he displayed various landscapes, but from the description of water so dramatically presented by the Friedensstimme reporter, he must have shown some seascapes as well. Johann did not restrict his endeavours to teaching and art, he also wrote. He wrote and illustrated children’s books such as Das Maer chert vom Weihnachtsmann [A Fairytale about Santa Claus] and Die Geschichte von Miez, Mauz, Murr und Hinz [The Story of Miez, Mauz, Murr and Hinz]. He wrote lyrical poetry and prose. The prose included writings about pedagogy, philosophy as well as fiction. In 1907 he came out with Das goldene Zeitalter der Zukunft [The Golden Age of the Future], a book of imaginative fiction. Most of his literary output was not published, although short stories such as Der David and Das Falkennest appeared in periodicals. September Pictures illustrating the months drawn by Johann Janzen for Christlicher Familien- Kalendar Johann was married to Lene [Goerz], and the couple had six children. They were Maria, Hans, Helene, Nikolai, Elisabeth and Greta. Three of them were actually used to some extent as models for the children in Das Maerchen vom Weihnachtsmann. Son Hans was also an artist and in later years provided new illustrations for the book. Illustration from Jakob Janzen’ s book drawn by Johann Heinrich Janzen was still at Johann Janzen the height of his career when he became ill. Towards autumn of 1917, when he was already so weak that he could not walk, his brother Jakob took him for a ride across his beloved steppes. He once again appreciated the grass in the meadows turning golden, the dry leaves rustling as they fell from the trees, the last fruits of the land being harvested. Johann died soon after, of leukemia, in September of 1917, at the age of forty nine. Sources: Friesen, P. M,, pp xv, xvi, 595, 636, 688, 708, 776 Goerz, H., Die Molotschnaer Ansiedlung, Echo-Verlag, Steinbach, Canada, 1950\1951, pp 169-170; English translation, 1993, p 204 Janzen, Jakob, Etwas Rezension, Der Bote, 29 August 1931, p 1 Janzen, Johann, Illustrations in Denn meine Augen haben Deinen Heiland Gesehen written by Jakob Janzen, originally published in 1910, then again in 1925 and 1927 Janzen, Johann, Feature Illustrations, The Months of the Year, Mennonite Life, October 1951, p 13 115 Janzen, Johann, Feature Illustration, Peace on the Molotschna, Mennonite Life, 1 January 1956 P 6 Janzen, Johann, Das Maerchen vom Weihnachtsmann, edited by Waldemar Janzen, post script written by Waldemar Janzen, CMBC Publications, Winnipeg, Canada, 1975 Janzen, Waldemar, personal communications Mennonite Encyclopedia Mennonitisches Lexikon News Report, Friedensstimme, 22 August 1909, p 9 116 19. BIBLE CONFERENCE IN HALBSTADT AUGUST 20-23, 1909 Mennonites have traditionally been people of the Word. It is therefore not surprising that periodically there were Bible conferences in the Mennonite colonies of South Russia. One such conference was held in Halbstadt, Molotschna June 15-22, 1908, featuring Mennonite missionaries as speakers. Participants arrived from as far away as the Crimea and Sagradovka. A bigger and presumably better conference was then arranged for the following year, to be held on August 20-23, 1909. Organizers were listed as H. Braun, H. Unruh, and J. Kroeker of Halbstadt. No announcements or reports mention a specific denomination, so one might assume that it was meant to include all Mennonites. Heinrch Braun and Jakob Kroeker were Mennonite Brethren, and much of the subject matter had heavy Mennonite Brethren overtones; the other organizer was likely Heinrich Unruh, returned missionary from India, also Mennonite Brethren. The conference was well advertized in the Mennonite newspaper Friedensstimme , not surprising since Jakob Kroeker was one of its editors and Heinrich Braun part owner and managing director of the publishing house that printed it. Part of the rationale for hosting the conference was included in the invitation, first published on July 18,1 909, “We are aware that at times when we withdraw and quietly contemplate scripture, the Lord allows us to better understand his Word, to have wonderful blessings, and to be strengthened...” The organizers expanded the scope of the invitation, which the previous year had been only for teachers and ministers and their wives. In 1909 it included “...all children of God and lovers of truth.” They asked all those planning to attend to register with J. Kroeker as soon as possible, so that accommodations could be arranged. Teachers and ministers would receive free accommodations [presumably others, if they did not find relatives to stay with, would pay] ; all participants were asked to bring along their own pillows and blankets. The organizers announced some of the speakers and published a proposed program. As the conference approached there were repeated reminders in Friedensstimme. The conference began on August 20 with a large number of guests from far and wide [...eine Menge Gaeste von Nah und Vern erschienen...]. The sessions were held at the Vereinshaus [presumably a fairly large auditorium, definitely not a church] in Neu- Halbstadt. Speakers invited from abroad were P. Grubb from London, England, who brought his wife, Evangelist Widmer from Switzerland, and Adam Podin of Latvia, who brought his wife as well. Additional participants were Preacher Regentrop from St. Petersburg, Missionary J. Huebert and others. The schedule was similar to that of previous conferences. Mornings began with a prayer meeting, followed by Bible exposition by the guest speakers. The area of study for this conference was the book of Hebrews, chapters 5 and 6. In the afternoon there were talks on faith, holiness and fellowship. Evenings were either lectures on various practical subjects or evangelistic sermons. Sunday morning two of the foreign speakers preached in Halbstadt, the rest served in other churches in the region. Following a late afternoon snack [Vesper], the Bible 117 exposition continued at the church, with an evening worship service after that. A participant, Jakob Enns of Tiegenhof, commented “The Lord blessed his Word through whomever it was proclaimed, it was a rich blessing for us poor simiers, to the praise of His holy name.” He was also sure that the Lord would bless all those who had helped organize this wonderful event. It is remarkable that an event which had so much advance publicity, and was planned by editors and publishers, would have had no official report in the Mennonite periodicals. The pages of Friedensstimme give no evidence of a similar conference being held the following year. Sources: Braun, H„ Announcement, Friedensstimme, 18 July 1909, p 3; 25 July 1909 pp 3, 4; 8 August 1909, p 10; 15 August 1909, p 8 Enns, Jakob, Letter, Friedensstimme. 12 September 1909, p 7 Enns, Jakob, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 13 October 1909, pp 14, 15 News Item, Friedensstimme, 28 June 1908, p 409 News Item, Friedensstimme, 22 August 1909, p 9 Reimer, Jakob, Announcement, Friedensstimme, 17 May 1908, p 312; 7 June 1908, p 357 Background Information: Heinrich Jakob Braun Heinrich Heinrich Unruh, Missionary Jakob Johann Kroeker Harry Percy Grubb Adam K. Podin Johann Huebert, Missionary 118 HEINRICH JAKOB BRAUN [1873-1946] One of the Organizers of the Bible Conference held in Halbstadt August 20-23, 1909 Heinrich Jakob Braun was bom on April 30, 1 873 in Alexanderwohl, Molotschna Colony. His parents were Jakob and Helena [Baergen] Braun. He was the seventh of ten children, having five brothers and four sisters. Heinrich attended the Dorfschule in Alexanderwohl from 1879 to 1887. He did not attend Zentralschule , but had private instruction in various subjects such as Russian and English. He began the position of “£7nteWe/wer”[apprentice teacher] in Kleefeld in 1887, then helped at home on the farm from 1888-1889. Heinrich then began a series of teaching assignments as tutor on various chutors from 1889 to 1 994. In 1 894, at the annual convention of the Mennonite Brethren Church held in Friedensfeld, he was selected to be sent to the Hamburg Baptist Theological Seminary to be trained as a minister. He was in Hamburg from 1895 to 1899, his room mate being Heinrich Unruh, later missionary to India. He graduated in 1899 and returned to South Russia. Once back in the Molotschna, Heinrich must have been active in the church quite quickly, since in 1900 he was involved in the formulation of a confession of faith of the Mennonite Brethren, and was listed as approving the document. At the time he was recorded as a ministerial candidate. He was ordained as a minister by the Rueckenau Mennonite Brethren Church on September 2, 1901. Braun married Maria Peters, eldest daughter of Isaak Peters of Nikolaipol, on October 7, 1899. Unfortunately she died during childbirth in early 1902. The child, a boy, died in early infancy. Heinrich then married his wife’s younger sister, Helena, on February 27, 1903. There were no children from this second marriage, but the Brauns seem to have been hospitable with regard to youngsters, since a number of missionaries left their children with them while they went to the mission field. Possibly using his wife’s money, Heinrich purchased a chutor near Nikolaipol on February 6, 1901. He seems to have been an astute businessman, and soon purchased a second chutor. In 1903 he was one of the leading partners who purchased a Halbstadt printing establishment from Peter Neufeld. This company was reorganized in 1908 to form Raduga, which printed, published and distributed a wide variety of printed material. It published, for example, the newspaper Friedensstimme, the massive historical tome by P. M. Friesen, a devotional family almanac, as well as many other books. Heinrich was the major shareholder in this enterprise as well as the managing director. Heinrich participated actively in many aspects of the Mennonite Brethren Church, for a time being the secretary- treasurer of the conference. In this capacity he published detailed statistics relating to church membership and activities, Bundes-Statistik, certainly for 1 905 and 1 906. In 1 9 1 0, at the convention held in Tiege, Sagradovka, Heinrich was unanimously acclaimed as treasurer of the Foreign Mission Account of the Mennonite Brethren Conference, with Abraham Friesen the intermediary Heinrich Braun [1873-1946] 119 between the conference and the field workers. In September of 1914 Heinrich reported some difficulties, the bank drafts he had sent to India had not been cashed. Heinrich continued to play a leading role in the Conference and its affairs, being vice-chairman of the sessions in 1918. He sometimes represented the Mennonite Brethren Church in negotiations with government, for example dealing with the permission to continue open air baptismal services. Planning for the 1 908 Bible Conference in Halbstadt involved mostly Mennonite Brethren. While the principal organizers for the 1909 conference, again including Heinrich, were also Mennonite Brethren, the wide variety of speakers seems to indicate that the scope was likely meant to serve a much wider sphere. But Heinrich also played a prominent role in inter-Mennonite affairs. Raduga, the printing and publishing firm certainly functioned to help developments in the broad stream of Mennonite life. He was on the board of the Nerven-heilanstalt Bethania , of Kronsweide, as well as on the board of the Diakonissenheim Morija of Neu-Halbstadt. He was a participant in the first official All-Mennonite Conference of October, 1910, and was elected to be the Mennonite Brethren representative on the three member Glaubenskommission [Faith Commission], In two years this was renamed Kommission fuer Kirchenangelegenheiten [KfK] [Committee for Church Affairs], Possibly also at that time Wilhelm Dyck took the place of Heinrich on the Committee. Heinrich, together with Elder Heinrich Unruh of the Halbstadt Mennonite Church, conducted an open air service for departing reservists on September 1, 1914. Braun preached on Acts 20:32 “Now I commit you to God and to the word of His grace,” while Elder Unruh used Romans 12: 12 as text. Upon conclusion of the service the reservists boarded trains bound for Ekaterinoslav. During this time Heinrich also wrote, having the particular interest of including the Mennonite Brethren within the sphere of the greater Mennonite community. Articles such as “Mennonites or Baptists,” published in Friedenstimme and Botschafter in 1 9 1 0 would relate to this subject. In 1 9 1 8 the Mennonite Brethren Conference appointed Heinrich as the second teacher of the newly established Bible school at Tchongrav, in the Crimea. He probably continued to live in Neu-Halbstadt and commuted to the Crimea. On at least two occasions he had some difficulty reaching the school because he was caught in the revolutionary front; other teachers then had to temporarily replace him. Because the school and students had great difficulty getting teaching materials, Heinrich donated books to the school from his own personal library. In the autumn of 1921 Teacher Braun “...addressed the school and took his leave...,” soon after fleeing from Russia. Heinrich must have felt that he was in considerable immediate danger to leave so abruptly. He travelled to Batum, spent some time in Constantinople, then went to Germany, staying at Oberursel, Taunus, where his younger brother Abraham lived. His wife left Halbstadt in the summer of 1923 for Canada, and a short time later joined Heinrich in Germany. In 1924 Heinrich travelled to South America at his own expense to investigate the possibility of Mennonite settlement in Paraguay. He sent a comprehensive report of his findings to the Mennonitisches Studienkommision. Upon his return to Germany he settled in Bochum, occupying himself with a herbal and “natural” medical healing practice. He had actually begun studying this subject in Odessa after he graduated from seminary. He later moved to a village near Ibersheim, where his brother Abraham had become a pastor, then finally settled in NiersteinVRhein. Heinrich also gave lectures on Christian Education for the Evangelische Schulgemeinschaft [Evangelical School Society], and for many years was actively involved in sending relief packages to Mennonites in the Soviet Union. Heinrich’s second wife, Helena, died in Germany in 1941, after which he married Martha Siever, daughter of a German Baptist family. He survived World War II in Germany, and died June 24, 1946, at the age of 73 years. 120 Sources: Braun, Heinrich J., Bundes-Statistik der Vereinigten, Taufgesinnten, Mennonitischen Brueder- Gemeinde in Russland, Nikolaipol, 1905, 1906 Braun, Heinrich J., Mennonites or Baptists , originally in Friedensstimme, 5 May 1910, pp3-5, also in Botschafter, 25 May 1910, p 4, and 28 May 1910, p 3; translated into English by Abe J. Dueck, in Moving Beyond Secession pp 177-122 Dueck, Abe J., Moving Beyond Secession, Kindred Productions, Winnipeg, Canada, and Hillsboro, USA, 1998, pp 7, 12, 14, 16, 57-59, 64, 67, 68, 70, 72-75, 78, 81, 83, 84, 86, 87, 92-96, 100, 101, 111, 117-122, 132, 137, 141, 143, 145, 146, 148-150, 152, 158, 166 Friesen, Abraham, Santa Barbara, USA, personal family history Friesen, P. M„ pp 450, 530, 534, 536, 542-545, 568, 598, 659, 661, 670, 672, 673, 722 Mennonite Encyclopedia Mennonite Historical Atlas, p 122 News Report, Friedensstimme, 3 September 1914, p 5 Peters, G. W., Foundations of Mennonite Brethren Missions, Kindred Press, Hillsboro, USA, and Winnipeg, Canada, 1984, p 39 Reimer, Margaret, The Story of the Crimea Bible School, Translated by Edwin Reimer, 1974[?], PP 6,11,21 Toews, J. A., pp 103, 113, 381 121 HEINRICH HEINRICH UNRUH [1868-1912] One of the Organizers of the Bible Conference held in Halbstadt August 20-23, 1909 Heinrich Heinrich Unruh was bom October 4, 1868 in Temir-Bulat [Philippstal], Crimea. He was the eldest of the ten children of Heinrich B. and Elisabeth [Wall] Unruh. Three younger brothers were Komelius [missionary to India], Abraham [Bible teacher and minister] and Benjamin [teacher and writer]. Heinrich attended the Hamburg Baptist Theological Seminary, likely beginning in 1895, graduating in 1 899. During this time his room mate was Heinrich Braun of Alexanderwohl. Soon after graduation he married Anna Peters, daughter of Franz Peters of Friedensfeld. Anna Peters is also listed as a student at the seminary, so it is quite likely that they became acquainted during the time they spent in Hamburg. On August 27, 1899, Heinrich and Anna were ordained as missionaries by the Spat Mennonite Brethren Church. They were accepted by both Mennonite Brethren of Russia, and the American Baptist Missionary Union to be missionaries in the Nalgonda district, north-east of Hyderabad, India. Heinrich’s principal work was to establish a station at Jangaon, which was on a railway line. Permission for building any structure was hard to obtain, and the surrounding people were not particularly receptive, nonetheless Heinrich persisted. A mission station was built at Jangaon, and in time there was a church of 200 members, with 8-10 affiliate stations. In 1909 the Unruhs returned to South Russia for a rest [zur Erhohlung\. But Heinrich did not spend much time resting. He was one of the three planners of the Bible conference held in Halbstadt in August of 1 909. He was listed as attending the annual convention of the Mennonite Brethren Church, held in Tiege, Sagradovka, in May of 1 9 1 0. Heinrich read a letter to the delegates from the missionaries in India, who wished the conference God ’ s richest blessings. The letter described the work and struggles of the past year, also the results of the Gospel being spread to all areas. After a hymn was sung he closed the session with prayer. Heinrich did not restrict his missionary fervour to India. He visited many of the churches of South Russia, many a person accepting salvation through his ministry. A great revival swept through a forestry camp where he had preached. Together with G. P. Froese, Heinrich was invited to speak at a large Russian Baptist convention which was held in Rostov, in the Don region. During the day they had business sessions, but evenings there were evangelistic services where Heinrich preached in German, while P. M. Friesen translated his words into Russian. Heinrich and Anna had a total of seven children. Heinrich [1900], Maria [1901], Martha [1903], Arthur [1905], and Cornelius [1909] were bom in India. During the time in Russia, while they were planning to return to their beloved mission work in India, it was of considerable concern to find a place for the four oldest children to stay. The Unruhs did find homes for them, ■s Heinrich and Anna Unruh likely in 1900 122 at least one daughter staying for a time with the Heinrich Brauns. Heinrich and Anna departed for India in 19 1 1. In April of 19 12 Heinrich sent a report back to Russia in anticipation of the annual convention of the Mennonite Brethren Church. He mentioned that the separation from their four oldest children, and the death of their little Anna had caused them more sadness than they had thought possible. Little Anna must have been bom during the furlough in Russia or shortly after their return to India, then died as an infant or young child. The mission work in India was progressing. The number of converts had increased, this despite the fact that persecution by the Muslims never ceased. Heinrich was busy and attended a district missionary conference in mid September, 1912. Soon after he returned to Jongaon from the conference he became seriously ill. When his condition did not improve medical help was sent for, but that did not stop the relentless progress of typhus. Heinrich died on October 23, 1912. In his last days Heinrich had some time to reflect on his work and the church. He urged the young people to come out as missionaries; others should give up their accumulated rubles and donate them to the work. He also noted, from his recent experience in Russia, that the Mennonite Brethren spent too much time focussing on dogma, rather than putting all effort into mission work that needed to be done. Heinrich was buried almost immediately. Missionaries Franz Wiens and Abram J. Huebert dug the grave overnight and lined it with concrete to protect the body from jackals and white ants. The funeral service was held the next day, on October 24, with a sermon by Tirmalajah, one of Unruh’s preachers. Abram Huebert gave the tribute in German, Franz Wiens in Telugu. Anna was pregnant at the time, and on December 1, 1912, the last Unruh child, Elisabeth, was bom. In the meantime Anna carried on managing the entire station at Jangaon. She left for Russia on January 29, 1913, and stayed with a Reimer family in the Molotschna. Provisions were made for her support and that of the six children, presumably by the Mennonite Brethren Conference. Anna died in Ohrloff, Molotschna, on October 13, 1921. All six of her surviving children eventually emigrated to Canada, where they settled in British Columbia. Heinrich Heinrich Unruh left an impressive legacy. His good friend Heinrich Braun wrote about his work as a missionary “...he put his whole soul into the work. His body and spirit belonged to the great work of the heavenly master, and he pointed out the way to Christ for many a Telugu. God be praised!” About the time spent in South Russia Braun remarked “...when he visited our churches one or two years ago, many a person could, besides thanking Jesus, also thank Unruh for salvation... he was a real minister to people and an effective soul winner.” Sources: Braun, Heinrich, News Report, Unruh tot, Familie bleibt, Friedensstimme, 20 November 1912 P 3 Dueck, Abe J., The Changing Role ofBiblical\Theological Education in the Mennonite Brethren Church, a chapter in The Bible and the Church, Kindred Press, Winnipeg, Canada, and Hillsboro, USA, 1988, p 143 Dueck, Abe J., Moving Beyond Secession, Kindred Productions, Winnipeg, Canada, and Hillsboro, USA, 1998, pp 67, 70 Friesen, P. M., pp 468, 469, 564, 567, 568 Penner, Peter, Russians, North Americans, and Telugus, Kindred Productions, Winnipeg, Canada, and Hillsboro, USA, 1997, pp 10, 25, 35, 41, 55-57, 89 Peters, G. W., Foundations of Mennonite Brethren Missions, Kindred Press, Hillsboro, USA, and Winnipeg, Canada, 1984, p 39 123 Unruh, A. H., Die Geschichte der Mennoniten-Bruedergemeinde, General Conference of the Mennonite Brethren Church of North America, Hillsboro, USA, 1955, pp 193, 194, 262, 263 Unruh Family History, Peggy Regehr [grand daughter of A. H. Unruh] of Winnipeg, Canada It should be noted that in some of the indexes all references to “ Heinrich Unruh” are lumped together, or attributed to the wrong person. There were at least three church leaders by that name active at roughly the same time, Elder Heinrich Peter Unruh of the Halbstadt Mennonite Church, Heinrch Unruh of the Kuban, and Missionary Heinrich Heinrich Unruh. 124 JAKOB JOHANN KROEKER [1872-1948] One of the Organizers of the Bible Conference held in Halbstadt August 20-23, 1909 Jakob Johann Kroeker was bom on October 31, 1872, in Gnadental, Molotschna. From there his parents with their family moved to Spat, in the Crimea. One of his teachers, likely in primary school, was the well known Peter P. Siemens. After passing his state examinations he spent two years teaching at a Mennonite school in Minlertschick, near Spat. Jakob married Anna Langemann, daughter of Johann Langemann of Margenau, in 1893. He attended the Hamburg Baptist Theological Seminary, graduating in four years, then returned to Spat in the summer of 1897. The Mennonite Brethren Church quickly recognized his gifts, so he was ordained to the ministry by Elder David Schellenberg on May 25, 1 898. Jakob Kroeker and David Duerksen served a number of years as travelling evangelists for the Mennonite Brethren Conference. Together they also were members of a commission which supervised the teaching of religion and German in the Mennonite schools of the Crimea. In 1 902 they collaborated in sending a report about the activities of the Mennonite Brethren Church in the Crimea [used by P. M. Friesen, pages 465-470]. In 1897 Jakob’s cousin, Abraham Jakob Kroeker, also moved to Spat in the Crimea. They began an association which produced an important series of publications. Starting in 1 897 they published the Christlicher Familienkalender, a Christian family almanac, which by 1911 sold 12,000 copies. From 1899 to 1917 the Christlicher Abreiss-Kalender appeared, a daily devotional booklet; in 1911 a total of 25,000 were printed. A less successful venture was the Christliches Jahrbuch, which they published from 1902 to 1905. All of these had a wide circulation among Mennonites in Russia and North America, as well as in non-Mennonite circles. Initially from their homes in Spat the two Kroekers published Friedensstimme, a general Mennonite newspaper, which also in part served as the unofficial voice of the Mennonite Brethren. It was started in 1903, originally being printed in Berlin, Germany, because the Kroekers feared that permission to print in Russia would never be granted. In January of 1906, however, permission was granted, so publication began in Halbstadt, although the paper was carefully censored. The Kroekers in the meantime [in 1905] had moved to Halbstadt to continue their work. At first Friedensstimme appeared twice a month, then from 1 906 to 1 908 weekly, and after that twice a week. By 1 9 1 3 there were 5,800 subscribers. The paper contained inspirational articles, home and foreign mission news, reports from schools, hospitals, and other institutions, news of events in the Mennonite colonies, book reports and a wide variety of advertizing. With the outbreak of World War I publication was discontinued, although it appeared for brief times under various other names, including Molotschnaer Flugblatt and Volksfreund, the last issues appearing as late as September, 1920. Jakob was one of the founders of Raduga, the printing and publishing house based in 125 Halbstadt. He was on the board of Morija, the nursing school also based in the Halbstadt area, and for a time was secretary of the organization. Jakob was one of the speakers at the official dedication of the facility on May 23, 1910. Jakob became interested in the revivalist Dr. Friedrich Baedeker, and through this contact became acquainted with the evangelical movement in St. Petersburg, which included some of the nobility. He also became familiar with the Alliance movement of Germany and the Baltic countries. He was a member of the organizing committee of the Alliance Conference in Blankenberg, and attended the conferences almost every year. Jakob extended his interests to organizing Bible conferences in South Russia as well. As one of the organizers of the 1909 conference in Halbstadt, he undoubtedly used some of his contacts in St. Petersburg to obtain a number of the speakers, such as Preacher Regentrop, P. Grubb and Adam Podin. Jakob also had a heart for his immediate neighbours. He and Walter L. Jack, a Reformed Pfarrer from Germany who had begun a seminary in Astrakhan, were involved in a tent ministry among the Russian population. It is possible that through this contact Jack was asked to be the keynote speaker at the dedication of the Morija Deaconess Home. In 1 9 1 0 Jakob felt the distinct call to move, in part because of his health and partly because he needed to rest. In the spring of the year he had travelled to Switzerland and Germany to find a suitable place. He found a very neat house with a small garden in the picturesque town of Wemigerode am Harz, in Germany. He preached a number of farewell messages, one in Halbstadt, the other in Tiegenhagen, visited relatives in the Crimea, then departed, likely in mid June. Jakob did keep up some contacts with southern Russia, for example, he published a devotional article in Friedensstimme in January of 191 1 , but his absence may account for the fact that the “annual” Bible conferences held in Halbstadt did not continue. Many of Jakob’s connections with Russia were of course interrupted with the outbreak of war in 1914. Jakob, however, continued his theological studies, and he continued to write. He had written and published books both in Spat and Halbstadt, and pursued this aspect of his ministry in Germany as well. A series of books, eight volumes, Das lebendige Wort, was published in 1934. Other books included Allein mit dem Meister, Der verborgene Umgang mit Gott, Licht von seinem Lichte, and Weltstaat und Gottesreich. Roemerbrief-Kommentar Kapitel 1-8 was published after his death in 1949; Im Heiligtum des Vaterunsers was actually written in 1898 when Jakob still lived in Spat, but was first published in 1951. Someofhis books went through numerous editions. During World War I Jacob was active in ministry to Russian prisoners of war, distributing Bibles and preaching in the camps. After conclusion of the war, together with Walter Jack, he founded Licht im Osten, a missionary society which helped educate Russian preachers at a seminary in Wemigerode, supplied relief to the needy in Russia, and conducted an annual faith conference. Kroeker was president, Jack the Missions Inspector, with special interest in Russia. This agency also printed Dein Reich Komme, a monthly missionary paper: begun in 1920, it still is being published [1999]. It provided an excellent vehicle for Kroeker and Jack to write articles, often relating to the state of the church in Jakob Kroeker in his later years as Director of Licht im Osten 126 Russia. Jakob became known among the Protestant churches in central and eastern Europe, and participated in many conferences. Rroeker and Jack, in 1937, were asked to become president and vice-president of the Band der Evangeliumschristen [Society of Evangelical Christians], but declined the offer. While working in a non-denominational mission, Kroeker still maintained his ties with the Mennonite brotherhood. In 1 925 he delivered the keynote address at the first Mennonite World Conference, held in Basel, Switzerland. Through his lecture tours he influenced Mennonites in Germany, Switzerland and North America. In 1945, after the collapse of Germany at the end of World War II, the Kroekers left Wemigerode because the area fell into the Russian zone of occupation. They settled near Stuttgart, where Jakob’s health began to deteriorate in 1946. C. F. Klassen visited the very ill Jakob on December 8, 1 948, taking along greetings for his many friends in North America. Jakob died four days later, on December 12, 1948. The funeral was held on December 16. Some of the speakers were Pfarrer Walter Fellmann, Preacher Rupp, Pastor Hans Brandenburg, chairman of the board of Licht im Osten, Professor Benjamin Unruh of Karlsruhe, representing the Russian Mennonites, and C. F. Klassen, representing the Mennonite Central Committee. A small choir from the Muehlhausen church sang. The funeral, at the request of Jakob’s wife Anna, was concluded by the singing of the well known hymn “ Grosser Gott, wir loben Dich,” [Holy God, We Praise Thy Name]. Jakob Kroeker was buried in the Stuttgart-Muelhausen cemetery. Anna and some of their nine children stayed in Germany, while a number of them emigrated to Canada. Sources: Dueck, Abe, The Changing Role of BiblicalXTheological Education in the Mennonite Brethren Church, a chapter in The Bible and the Church, Kindred Press, Winnipeg, Canada and Hillsboro, USA, 1988, p 143 Dueck, Abe, Moving Beyond Secession, Kindred Productions, Winnipeg, Canada, and Hillsboro, USA, 1998, pp 13,65,57, 111 Friesen, P. M., pp 465, 467-469, 659, 671, 672, 720, 724. Pages 465-470 are a report co-authored by Jakob Kroeker and David Duerksen. Goerz, Heinrich, Die Molotschnaer Ansiedlung, Echo-Verlag, Steinbach, Canada, 1950\1951 p 166, English Edition, 1993, pp 199, 200 Klassen, C. F., Ein Kranker gruesst, Der Bote, 5 January 1949, p 3 Krahn, Cornelius, Obituary, Der Bote, 5 January 1949, p 5 Kroeker, Jakob, Einladung, Friedensstimme, 15 May 1910, p 3 Kroeker, Jakob, Die Wohnung Gottes, Friedensstimme, 8 January 191 1, pp 1-3 Mennonite Encyclopedia Mueller, Joachim, Dem Gedaechtnis Jakob Kroekers, Dein Reich Komme, January 1949, pp 1-3 News Report, Abschiedspredicht , Friedensstimme, 2 June 1910, p 8 News Report, Einweihung des Diakonissenheims Morija, Friedensstimme, 5 June 1910, pp 3, 4 Springer, Nelson P., and Klassen, A. J., Mennonite Bibliography 1631-1961, Herald Press, Scottdale, USA, and Kitchener, Canada, 1977, Kroeker has 237 references Toews, J. A., pp 89, 90, 96, 97, 104 Unruh, A. H., Die Geschichte der Mennoniten-Bruedergemeinde, General Conference of the Mennonite Brethren Church of North America, Hillsboro, USA, 1955, pp 193, 194, 229, 251,252, 254, 821,822 127 HARRY PERCY GRUBB One of the Guest Speakers at the Bible Conference held in Halbstadt August 20-23, 1909 Speaker P. Grubb was most likely Harry Percy [he was usually called Percy] Grubb [1848- 1925], seventh child and fourth son of Richard and Maria Grubb. While “Grubb” is not a typical Irish name, but is found among the Pennsylvania-Germans, this Grubb family was known as “The Grubbs of Tipperary”. They must have lived in Ireland for some time to achieve that distinction. Percy’s parents were originally Quakers, although they were “disowned” by this group in 1840, eight years before Percy was bom. He was baptized as an infant in Cahir Church in Ireland on October 31, 1850. Percy was the first of the Grubbs to become a clergyman, graduating from Trinity College, Dublin, with his M.A. The Reverend Harry P. Gmbb held a number of posts in Ireland, then beginning in 1879 in London and other areas of England. While rector of a parish in Nottinghamshire he was called “an Irishman with evangelical leanings”. Percy was assistant General Secretary of the Church Mission Society from 1 885 to 1 897, therefore obviously interested in missions and evangelism. His education and all his positions and activities both in Ireland and later in England related to the Anglican Church. Percy married Margaret Crighton-Stuart in 1892. Her father, James Crighton- Stuart, Esq., was in the Foreign Office. One side of his family was of Huguenot background. Through his wife Percy had connections with G. W. A. Waldgrave [Lord Radstock], an itinerant evangelist from Great Britain who had begun to bring about spiritual awakening in a number of aristocraticfamilies in Russia connected with the imperial court. Margaret’s mother was wealthy, and a real Victorian aristocrat. She became associated with the evangelistic activities of the “upper classes” centering around Lord Radstock’ s large London home on Portman Square. It is probably through the Lord Radstock connection that the organizers of the Halbstadt Bible Conference learned to know of Percy Grubb. Both Lord Radstock and Jakob Kroeker spent time in St. Petersburg, so they quite possibly knew each other, and could quite easily have made arrangements for the invitation to Halbstadt. Did Percy speak German or Russian at the conference? Being bom, raised and educated in Ireland makes it unlikely that he was fluent enough in either language to preach in it. English was certainly not well enough known by the Mennonites in the Molotschna to understand sermons. Were translators used? No report gives any information on the subject. George Carleton Gmbb [1856-1940], younger brother of Percy, was also interested in missions and evangelism. He was also educated in Trinity College, Dublin, and became a curate, with posts in Ireland. He became a travelling evangelist and missionary for the Keswick Convention, and did travel to Russia. It is unlikely, however, that George was the Gmbb involved with the Halbstadt conference. He does not seem to have been based in London, and his initial was certainly not “P”. Sources: Grubb, Geoffry W., The Grubbs of Tipperary, The Mercier Press, Cork, Ireland, 1972, pp 157, 162, 164 Klippenstein, Laurence, Russian Evangelicalism Revisited: Ivan Kargel and the Founding of the Russian Baptist Union , Baptist History and Heritage, April 1992, p 42 Mennonite Encyclopedia Pawles, J. C., Librarian, Spurgeon’s College, London, England, Letters, 8 June 1998; 1 1 November 1998 128 ADAMK. PODIN One of the Guest Speakers at the Bible Conference held in Halbstadt August 20-23, 1909 Baptists in Russia, just like the Mennonites, had strict instructions that they could preach to, but not convert their Russian neighbours. Adam Podin was one person who preached with the aim of converting with the full blessing and encouragement of the government. Adam was bom in Lithuania in 1862, received a good education, then became a teacher in a government school. Upon his conversion in 1889 he was dismissed from his position. He travelled to England to visit friends, then on his return home was baptized by Baron Stackelberg, pastor of the Baptist church in Kegel. Adam, under the supervision of Stackelberg, preached and evangelized in the villages around Kegel, and in time even made preaching tours into Estonia. Adam returned to England, spending time at the Missionary Training Home at Drayton Park, N. Having completed his studies he returned to Kegel where he succeeded Stackelberg as pastor in 1900. He was called “the God-equipped man for the work”. He was a good linguist, familiar with seven languages, tall, broad-shouldered, yet obviously kind and gentle. About 1904 Adam was approached by a highly placed government official in St. Peters¬ burg, who was also a Baptist. It was requested that Adam visit the prisons throughout the northern part of the Russian empire, as well as the exile camps in Siberia. Documents were prepared which allowed him to hold gospel services in prisons and exile settlements, and in addition he was given several thousand copies of the New Testament for distribution among the prisoners. In this capacity Adam travelled long and arduous journeys by train, steamer and droshky, through storms and floods. On one trip, in the spring of 1 9 1 1 , he distributed 3,400 New Testaments in seven different languages. On another occasion he preached at a series of meetings at Perm, the great exile forwarding station. Altogether there were 6,000 prisoners, many of whom were not likely to see their homes again. He spoke to them in groups, for instance the second day he preached to 800 manacled men, sentenced to twenty years in exile, to be served near the Amur River. First they would have to walk thousands of versts through forests and across deserts, then at their destination the work would be extremely hard. Very few would survive five years of their sentences. In a number of days Podin had spoken to all of the prisoners, most gladly accepting the gift of a New Testament. So the work continued. Sometimes Adam would speak at up to forty gatherings in one day. He was fatigued, the strain was severe, but “having heard the Master’s call” he could not turn back. It is quite probable that Jakob Kroeker came into contact with Podin, since both frequented St. Petersburg, the Russian capital. This was likely the personal connection with the newspaper Friedensstimme, where Podin published a series of articles about his prison ministry. Both Jakob Kroeker and the Mennonite community would therefore have been familiar with his work. It is thus not surprising that he was invited to be a speaker at the August 20-23 Bible Conference in Adam K. Podin 129 Halbstadt. The Mennonites obviously liked him, since he was asked to be a guest speaker again, at the dedication of the Morija nursing school on March 23, 1910. He used Romans Chapter 1 as his text, emphasizing the inexpressible riches we have in Jesus Christ. Through a series of letters Adam wrote to a journal, Evangelical Christendom, it is known that he was active in the prison ministry until at least 1917. It is highly unlikely that he continued his ministry in the prisons during the Russian Revolution and even less likely that he would have continued once the Bolsheviks took power. Sources: Byford, Rev. Charles T., Peasants and Prophets, Second Edition, James Clarke and Co., London, 1914, pp 127-134 News Report, Friedensstimme, 5 June 1910, p 3, 4 Podin, A., Gefangenenmission, Friedensstimme, 14 February 1909, p 5 Podin, A., Aus der Arbeit in den Gefaengnissen, Friedensstimme, 28 February 1909, pp 4, 5 Podin, A., Arbeit unter den Gefangenen, Friedensstimme, 18 July 1909, pp 6, 7 Podin, A., Gefaengnismission, Friedensstimme, 3 April 1910, pp 3, 4 Wardin, Albert W., Evangelical Sectarianism in the Russian Empire and the USSR, The American Theological Library Association and Scarecrow Press, Inc., Lanham, USA, and London, UK, pp 56, 57 130 JOHANN HUEBERT One of the Guest Speakers at the Bible Conference held in Halbstadt August 20-23, 1909 Johann Huebert came from the Lichtenau area of the Molotschna.. He was married; his wife’s name is not known, but her initial was “M”. In 1893 Johann, likely aged no more than 30, went to Java as a missionary under the Niederlaendisch-Indischen Taufgesinnten-Mission [Mennonite Association for the Spread of the Gospel in Dutch Colonies]. He worked in Kedung, Pendjalin. When he arrived there were few Christians in the largely Muslim area. In 1899 Johann could report that 1 5 persons had been baptized that year, bringing the total church membership to 30. They had just finished building a school large enough to house 150 children. Medical work was also proceeding, with medical supplies having been distributed to 160 villages. After 16 years of work there was a flourishing church of 507 members. In order to allow people to become Christians the mission had to help them move out of their immediate surroundings, so it provided settlements on rented land. Johann and his wife returned on furlough to South Russia, probably in late 1908. On January 6, 1909 Johann preached in the morning at the Alexanderkrone Mennonite Church, then at a funeral in the afternoon. On Pentecost, 1909, he preached at the annual Missionfest held in Gnadenfeld. In June of 1909 the Hueberts planned to travel from Steintal in Russia to Germany. His wife was to stay in Germany, Johann would return to southern Russia in the autumn. August 20-23, 1909, he participated in the Bible Conference in Halbstadt, likely reporting about his mission work in Java. Back in Germany, Johann visited churches in southern Germany, in Baden Baden, Wuerttemberg and the Pfalz. He also visited Swiss churches at Emmental and Langnau, reporting about his mission work and collecting funds. Then the Hueberts headed to Lucerne, through the St. Gotthard Tunnel, and south to Genoa. March 3,1910 they boarded the steamer “Oranje”, bound for Java. Johann sent a lengthy report about the trip to Friedensstimme, but beyond that no further information about the Hueberts has been found, except that Johann died in 1944. Sources: Friesen, P. M., pp 551, 559 Huebert, J., Auszug aus dem Jahres Bericht, Christlicher Familienkalender, 1901, pp 64, 65 Huebert, J. and M., Letter, Friedensstimme, 19 December 1909, p 5 Huebert, J., Letter, Friedensstimme, 6 June 1909, p 9 Huebert, J. and M., An Bord des Dampfers "Oranje ”, Friedensstimme, 3 April 1910, pp 2, 3 Mennonite Encyclopedia Mulder A., A Century of Mennonite Missions, Mennonite Life, January, 1 948, pp 12-15 News Report, Friedensstimme, 10 January 1909, p 1 1 News Report, Missionsfest, Friedensstimme, 30 May 1909, p 10 News Report, Friedensstimme, 14 November 1909, p 3 131 20. DEDICATION OF THE DEACONESS HOME MORIJA MAY 23, 1910 A hospital was established in Muntau, Molotschna Colony, in 1889. Minister and land owner Franz Wall of the Crimea was inspired by the example of Georg Mueller of Bristol, England, to act in faith. The Muntau project grew, and when the founder died in 1906, his son, Franz Wall Jr. took over the operation. Shortly before World War I the facility was expanded to a capacity of 60 beds. For many years the Chief of Medical Staff was Dr. Erich Tavonius. The Muntau Hospital also had an associated school of nursing with a residence, established in 1896, but it remained small. In 1907 there were four qualified nurses and four trainees involved. The need was felt to establish a much larger and more comprehensive deaconess home in the Molotschna. Likely the models used were a number of deaconess homes that were in the Baltic States, in Mitau [Jelgava], Riga and Reval [Tallin], A number of Mennonite women had actually graduated from these institutions . There was to be religious and general knowledge instruction as well as theoretical and practical nursing. Once the course was completed Morija could remain the home for nurses working in various surrounding health care institutions. It was planned that it would also serve as a retirement home for sick or aging nurses. Three men had the vision to establish the Morija Deaconess Home - Franz Wall Jr., Peter Schmidt [a rich land owner], and Dr. Erich Tavonius. A three year curriculum was developed to implement the plans. The first year involved theoretical instruction in subjects including Bible, German, mathematics, geography, history, anatomy and other sciences. The last two years were dedicated to practical work in the Muntau Hospital. Instructors would be the Home Administrator, medical staff such as Dr. Tavonius, and various other teachers. Nursing was to be the vocational vehicle, but service to God by helping the sick and disabled was the primary focus. The overall vision statement was modelled somewhat after that of a similar home in Beme, Switzerland. Construction of the building, meant to house 20-25 nurses, was begun in May, 1 909. Apparently initial plans had been to complete the project by September, but inclement weather caused some delays. In June they were working on the foundation, and finally in December the facilities were ready to be occupied. On the evening of December 3 all the nurses, Dr. Tavonius and a number of other guests were invited for tea to celebrate the event. This was followed by a prayer meeting in which the whole project was offered to the Lord and Master. The official dedication, however, was delayed until the spring of 1910, because it was felt that the roads were undependable in wintertime, making it difficult for the out of town visitors. Throughout 1909 and into 1910, Heinrich Braun, the treasurer for the Morija project, published requests for funds for the building project in Friedensstimme. Lists of donors and donations were also published, for example gifts totalling 3,655 rubles, 76 132 kopeks were listed on June 13, 1909. P. Schmidt, likely one of the founders, gave 2,000 rubles, and Dr. Tavonius contributed 912 rubles, 76 kopeks. hi early 1910 a number of invitations to the official dedication to be held in Halbstadt on May 23 appeared in Friedensstimme. The secretary of the committee responsible for making the announcements was Jakob Kroeker. * * * On Sunday, May 23, at 8:30 AM, the dedication ceremonies for the Morija Deaconess Home began in the Mennonite church in Halbstadt. Proceedings started with brief introductory remarks by Elder Heinrich Unruh of Muntau. On the basis of Paul’s letter to the Ephesians 2:10 “For we are God’s workmanship, created in Christ Jesus to do good works...” he felt that the attitude of the children of God must be one of service. Then Pastor Walter Jack, at the time residing in Astrakhan, delivered the celebration address, tying together the description of the Last Supper of John 6:53-58 with “being in Christ Jesus” of Paul’s description in I Corinthians 1:30. He drew the parallel that the life is in the blood; if a body loses blood, there is less and less life remaining. So, said Jack, the drinking of the blood of Christ means the acceptance of a new, godly, everlasting life. Partaking of his flesh means the acceptance of Christ’s life in the flesh, as he lived it from the cradle to the grave. Through the acceptance of these elements our knowledge and our justification will be completed in the eyes of God. The last sermon of the morning was delivered by Adam Podin of Kegel. He spoke of the inestimable riches we have in Jesus Christ, based on Ephesians chapter 1. We were chosen before the creation of the world [v.4], he then predestined us to be his adopted sons [v.5], we have redemption through Christ’s blood [v.7], and we have received the riches of God’s grace [v.7, 8], Only a fool would prefer the wealth the world has to offer according to Luke 12:20. The afternoon celebration continued in the Halbstadt community hall. The first speaker, Heinrich Guenther of Ohrloff, mentioned the testing of Abraham on Mount Moriah [German \Morija ] as described in Genesis chapter 22. The Old Testament story Morija Deaconess Home, completed in December, 1909 133 showed Abraham’s absolute faith, by being willing to give everything over to God. He wished the deaconesses a similar experience in the newly founded Morija, that they could give themselves totally to the service of God, and that God would accept the offering. Jakob Kroeker based his remarks on Luke 10:38-42, where Jesus entered the home of Mary and Martha. Mary had learned to sit at the feet of Jesus and listened to what he said. That is necessary to effectively serve the Lord. Later [John 12:1-11], Mary put perfume on Jesus feet and wiped them with her hair. Only when one has sat at Jesus feet and listened, can one truly serve him in a practical way. That is true even now. Many a person may have thought that the nurses at Morija should start the clinical bedside nursing immediately, but following the example of Mary, they first need to sit at Jesus feet before they start to serve. Dr. Erich Tavonius made a distinction between a nurse and a deaconess. A nurse may chose her profession simply to make a living. With a deaconess, on the other hand, the material considerations are totally subservient to the desire to serve in the name of Christ. It is quite possible to take the required courses at the Deaconess Home, yet chose to be a nurse only upon completion, if the person does not feel called to be a deaconess. Tavonius encouraged many more young ladies to apply, since both options were available, and the nursing profession itself was quite well paid. Heinrich Braun remarked that they were there to make an offering - but not to offer up others, rather themselves. This would include material goods the Lord had entrusted them with. In the words of a pastor he encouraged the guests to keep the copper for themselves, but to give the silver and the gold. As treasurer, Braun continued that the three necessary ingredients for a successful home had been provided, namely Light, Air and Water. There were still a number of debts, but the institution was young, and the hope was that God would continue to provide for this work of Christian charity. Thereupon Braun read the financial statement, which it was hoped would soon be published in the newspaper Friedensstimme. * * The first class had nine students, which as mentioned, had moved into the new structure in December of 1 909. Some reports quote there being 40 students per year, which likely refers to the later expansion. Physicians involved with instruction were Dr. Erich Tavonius and Dr. Hausknecht. Administrator [ Hausvater ] was Minister Jakob Friesen. The head Morija staff 1915-1916. Sitting, 1. to r. Maria Wall, Minister Jakob Friesen, Vera Michelson and Dr. Hausknecht 134 nurse was Vera Michelson from Estland, in the Baltics, likely from the deaconess home in Reval. Nursing instructors were Katya Klassen, Maria Braun, and by 1915 Maria Wall. Committee members were president, initially Elder H. Unruh, then later David Klassen, secretary Jakob Kroeker and treasurer Heinrich Braun. Other members were Jakob J. Sudermann, Franz F. Wall and David J. Dick of Apanlee. The first structure, dedicated in 1910, was a one story building. It is mentioned that just before the outbreak of World War I the home was greatly enlarged, and moved to a new two story building. Obviously the concept of this, the only deaconess home among the Mennonites, had taken hold and was flourishing. The Deaconess Home continued to function through the revolutionary period, but when the communist government was entrenched the religious aspects of the instruction were dropped. As late as January 22, 1927, Dr. Tavonius wrote a letter to Unser Blatt, which was also published in the Mennonitische Rundschau , asking young ladies to consider nursing as a career by training at the “professional medical school.” There was no specific mention of the previous “deaconess” function. After the death of Vera Michelson in 1929 the home was turned into a medical institute under the supervision of a communist administrator. The new expanded Morija Deaconess Home Schwesternfest [Nurse Celebration] at Morija Sources: Friedensstimme - news items and announcements: 6 June 1909, p 9 13 June 1909, p 10 5 September 1 909, pp 2,3 30 January 1910, p 3 15 May 1910, p 3 5 June 1910, pp 3,4 - principal source of information about the dedication ceremonies 3 July 1910, p 9 18 July 1910, pp 3,4 135 Friesen, P. M., pp 659, 650 Goerz, H., Die Molotschnaer Ansiedlug, Echo-Verlag, Steinbach, Canada, 1950/51, p 150 Lohrenz, Gerhard, Heritage Remembered, CMBC Publications, Winnipeg, Canada, 1974, pp 78, 81, 83, 84 Mennonite Encyclopedia Quiring, Walter, and Bartel, Helen, A Is Ihre Zeit Erfuellt War, Saskatoon, Canada, 1963, pp 70, 73, 79 Tavonius, Erich, and Thiessen, Isaak, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 8 June 1927, pp 5, 8, a reprint of a letter first published in Unser Blatt Webster’s New World Dictionary defines “deaconess” as follows: “A woman appointed as an assistant in a church, as for helping with the care of the sick and poor of the parish.” This definition precisely fits the term as used in the establishment of the Morija Deaconess Home. Background Information: Dr. Erich Tavonius Pastor Walter L. Jack 136 DR. ERICH A. TAVONIUS [1872- 1927] A Founder of Morija, Speaker at the Dedication and Medical Instructor Erich Tavonius was the third of five children of Alexander and Alexandra [Schulinus] Tavonius. He was bom on October 3, 1872 in a small fortification Psebaj in the Kuban region of Russia. His father was Swedish, a doctor, serving in a Russian military outpost. By the time Erich reached school age his father had been posted to Gluchow, Province Tchemigov, where he attended the first two years of gymnasium. He received a certificate of excellence, both for his studies and his behaviour. When Erich was ten his father died, at the age of 44, leaving mother Alexandra with five children, four boys and one girl. The family moved to Alexandra’s former home, Dorpat [now Tartu, in Estonia], near Koenigsberg, in East Prussia. Here Erich attended the Dorpat Gymnasium, and again distinguished himself for diligence and talent. A scholarship of 100 rubles per year for four years enabled him to go to the University of Dorpat, where he entered the medical faculty. Erich was recognized as a serious, ambitious student. He never missed classes, and thanks to his talent and excellent memory, he knew the subject matter as soon as the professor had completed the last lecture. In the summer holidays, to help their mother, Erich and his older brother Alexander worked as tutors in various aristocratic homes in the Baltic provinces. Erich graduated from the university in 1895 with highest honours. He obtained an appointment at a hospital in Kremenchug, province of Poltava, where he worked under the Dr. Erich A. Tavonius [1872 - 1927] supervision of a skillful surgeon, Dr. Bogajewsky. After that he served a brief time on the estate of Prince Dimitri Konstantinovitch, near Mirgorod, a posting he soon traded for a job at Novo-Wassiljewka, Berdyansk area, where he stayed until 1900. When the position of Chief of Staff at the Muntau Hospital and Regional Medical Officer became available he, upon the recommendations of his friends Jakob Sudermann and David Dueck, applied for and was given the post. Only a brief summary of his 27 years at the Muntau Hospital can be given. Initially the hospital was small, with limited facilities. The young unknown physician, in a new setting, needed to orient himself and earn the trust of the constituency. Erich Tavonius soon achieved this trust. In 1900, the year of his arrival in the region, he married Margarethe Baumann, daughter of a pastor from Prischib, the German village across the Molochnaya River from Halbstadt. The Muntau Hospital published annual 137 reports, which were sometimes printed in the Mennonite periodicals. The 1903 statistics showed that it was a very active hospital. In all there had been 3,239 patient days, with 1 9 1 patients in the hospital. A total of 95 operations were done, of which 80 were major, 1 5 minor surgery. Of these operations 72 were done with chloroform general anaesthesia, 12 with local, the rest without anaesthesia. There was resection of tumour in 20 operations, resection or scraping of bone in 12, seven hernia repairs, five major amputations and even four cataract removals. Tavonius probably took care of most of the admissions to hospital, and certainly did all of the operations. Franz Wall, founder and administrator of the Muntau Hospital, died in 1904. He was replaced by his son Franz Wall Jr. Several months after Wall’s death terrible tragedy struck in Prischib. In a robbery the parents and sister of Margarethe Tavonius, Pastor Baumann, his wife and daughter were killed. Both Erich and Margarethe were shattered, to the extent that they took a prolonged leave to recuperate in Simferopol. Erich decided never to return to the region again, as a matter of fact to give up surgery entirely. The family returned to Erich’s home in the Baltics. When he had recovered to some extent he went to the University of Koenigsberg, where he studied “Eye, Ear, Nose and Throat” with the intention of going out as a missionary doctor. When, however the efforts to go to foreign fields were not successful, and the position in Muntau was still vacant, he allowed himself to be persuaded to return. Tavonius came back in the spring of 1906, and resumed his work with vigour. The total number of patients grew, and the medical facilities were soon too small. The hospital was remodelled and enlarged, to have a 60 bed capacity. The small nursing school of the hospital was also expanded by the establishment of Morija Deaconess Home, which was dedicated in 1910. Dr. Tavonius was one of the founders of this home, and then was involved in the work of teaching in the home. When Morija was modified to be a medical institute in the 1920s he continued to carry much of the work load. When World Weir I broke out, Tavonius was mobilized, being called to serve in the spring of 1 9 1 5. He served on the front as the administrator of a reserve field hospital. He suffered a riding accident, and having a serious injury, was admitted to the military hospital in Zarskoye-Sselo. After his recovery he was posted to a hospital in Aschabad, east of the Caspian Sea, where he served until he was discharged in the summer of 1 9 1 8 . The surgery he had practiced in his military stint was helpful, but the heat had not been good for him. He had some heart trouble in 1905; this combined with his serious injury and the heat, caused his health to deteriorate. Erich came back to Muntau after the war and courageously began his work again. The vicissitudes of civil war, epidemics and famine did not leave him unscathed. In 1920 he himself 138 contracted typhus, but “Thanks to God’s Grace” recovered, although the sequels of a weakened heart and a nervous tremor remained. He was able to continue his work in several months, while still a partial invalid. Despite his disability the work load increased dramatically over the next few years. He took only short holidays, although in the last years these came more frequently, since his fatigue due to chronic insomnia almost overpowered him. In 1 922 Tavonius wrote a letter enquiring of an A. A. Friesen about the medical conditions requiring special attention before people could migrate to Canada, presumably so he could help them. He also made a personal enquiry about the possibility of his own migration to that country. In July of 1923 he wrote a letter to the Mennonitische Rundschau thanking the American Brethren for food packages that had arrived. He also thanked for medical supplies - many patients were arriving at the hospital, some on foot, others riding on cows or horses. There were operations every day; the nurses were working hard. It was expected that the salaries for hospital personnel would be paid from the proceeds of a crop off the 20 dessiatines of land the hospital owned. Tavonius hoped that the supplies of chloroform, ether and iodine would not run out! Also in 1923 an influenza epidemic included Tavonius among its victims. He recovered, but the disease further weakened his heart. Since the work itself seemed to go well in 1 926 he took a holiday in the Caucasus to regain his strength. Unfortunately it was not successful, so he planned another holiday for Germany, where he hoped to undergo further treatment, combined with some additional study he had arranged in Zwickau. He was filled with hopes and plans for the future. But his duty called Tavonius to Melitopol, and with the unpredictable spring weather he caught a cold. He finally arrived home on Good Friday,1927, an ill man. He improved somewhat, the fever subsiding by Easter Monday. The following day he had a relapse, likely a heart attack, and this together with the fever was too much. He died on Friday, April 29, 1927. Even right to the end Tavonius was dedicated to his work. January 22, 1 927 he wrote a letter to the Mennonitische Rundschau describing the nursing school that still functioned, inviting young ladies to register. The letter was published June 8, 1 927, more than a month after his death. In his personal life Erich had accepted Christ as his saviour in the first years of his activities in the Molotschna. It was his desire to serve the Lord with his life. His faith was foundation for difficult times, and helped him to fulfill his very responsible position. He was active in the life of the Molotschna Colony, often contributing to various charities, and of course helping develop the medical programs and facilities. It is likely, however, that he never actually joined a Mennonite church, possibly fellowshipping in the German churches of the Prischib area. Erich and Margarethe had four children, all daughters. They were Ingeborg, Karin [who became a physician, and for a few years worked at the Muntau Hospital], Sigried and Erika [she also became a physician, and later worked in Filadelfia, Paraguay]. The murder of Margarethe’s parents and sister, while having a serious effect on Erich, undoubtedly was even harder on her. After the birth of the second child, Karin, she had what was most likely post-partum depression. This was, at least in part, the reason for their extended leave from the hospital in 1904-1905. Margarethe improved for a time, but after the birth of the fourth child, Erika, in 1908, her mental instability became more chronic. She was taken to Mitau [now Jelgava, Latvia], where she was admitted to the mental hospital Guentershof. With the help of his mother and sister, Erich raised the four daughters, and despite difficulties, they turned out well. The funeral of Erich Tavonius was held on May 3, 1 927. Thousands of people came from far and wide. Before the body was taken to the Halbstadt Mennonite Church Minister Heinrich Harder preached a sermon on the grounds of the Muntau Hospital, text being “Now, how will I be comforted?” In the church, beginning at 10 AM, visitors were allowed one last look at their beloved and much appreciated doctor. At 2 PM the funeral began on the church yard, there being too many mourners to have the service in the church building. Pastor Hahn of Hochstaedt spoke 139 on the text “I have fought the good fight”[2 Timothy 4:7], followed by Elder A. Klassen of Halbstadt, who spoke on “Blessed are the dead.. .their deeds will follow them” [Revelation 14: 13], then Pastor Theo Kludt with text “Blessed by God, the Father of your Lord, Jesus Christ.” There were words from a representative of the 1 Commission fuer Kirchenangelegenheiten [KfK], Minister Komelius Martens from Grossweide. His text was “I know that my redeemer lives” [Job 19:25]. He told a number of stories from the life of the deceased and wondered “Who will now be the sunshine full of love which will visit the sick each morning?” A Russian cleric from Tokmak described how many tears Tavonius had dried up, and how friendly he had been to all people. Three times Dr. Tavonius had been very ill, and three times all the Russian churches and even the Jewish synagogue had prayed for him. God had heard their prayers. This time they had not known that the good doctor was sick, so they had not had the opportunity to pray! Between the various sermons and comments the choir sang appropriate songs. The funeral procession then went back toward Muntau. It stopped opposite the hospital, where patients came out to pay their last respects. One man, the last to have been operated on by Dr. Tavonius, spoke so movingly that no eye remained dry. Hospital board representatives, friends and colleagues reminisced about the life of the deceased. Dr. Ketat, who had worked with Erich for many years, mentioned that in 27 years he had done well over 10,000 operations [slightly apocryphal?]. Yet he had maintained an interest in scientific developments and in training other medical personnel. From there the last leg of the journey was to the Muntau cemetery, where Erich Tavonius was buried up on a hill. “There rests his body,” remarked a friend “but the memory of the righteous remains a blessing.” Sources: Feature Article, Doktor Erich Tavonius , Unser Blatt, July 1927, pp 307-311, Biography, possibly written by Komelius Martens, picture of the grave site and a poem dedicated to Dr. Tavonius Friesen, A. A., Personal letter to Dr. Tavonius, 3 November 1922 Letter, Dr. Erich A. Tavonius, Der Bote, 10 April 1973, pp 1,2, sent in by someone who had experienced the help of Dr. Tavonius Lohrenz, Gerhard, Heritage Remembered, CMBC Publications, Winnipeg, Canada, 1974, p 79 News Report, Mennonitische Rundschau, 1 June 1927, p 2 News Report, Dr. med.. E. Tavonius 1872-1927, Mennonitische Rundschau, 25 June 1958, p 1 1 Tavonius, Erich, Personal letter to A. A. Friesen, 19 June 1922 Tavonius, Erich, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 19 September 1923, p 10 Tavonius, Erich, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 8 June 1927 pp 5, 8 Thiessen, Heinrich, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 6 May 1903, p 9 140 WALTER L. JACK [1878- 1939] Guest Speaker at the Morija Dedication Walter Jack was bom in Magdeburg, Germany, on August 15, 1878. The family soon thereafter moved to nearby Halberstadt, where he lived most of his childhood. He must have completed the usual undergraduate schooling, then likely entered university, where as a young student he lived totally in the spirit of liberal theology. He attended a fellowship conference in Wemigerode am Harz, where he met an old friend, D. Lange. This man was used by God to bring Walter to Christ, a decision he never doubted in later life. For several years he was a teacher in the school of Pastor Jellinghaus in Lichtrode, and was there when he received a call to Russia in 1906. The Deutsche Orient Mission was founded in 1 897 by Pastor Dr. Johannes Lepsius. Under the auspices of this small mission Walter Jack, the Reformed theologian, was asked to start a seminary in Astrakhan. He was also to work with the evangelical groups among the Russian Molokans. Some of the Molokan villages and estates were near the Molotschna Mennonite Colony. Jack participated in two conferences in St. Petersburg in 1907, as well as an additional conference of Lutheran representatives. The proximity of some of his activities to the Molotschna led to acquaintances among the Mennonites, one of them being Jakob Kroeker, Mennonite Brethren minister and publisher. In 1 908 God gave Walter a wife, likely a Mennonite, and a relative of Jakob Kroeker. She went through all the trials and tribulations with Walter, but also shared his joys. Of their four children a boy died at the age of one year, leaving a long lasting sorrow. Probably through his friendship with Jakob Kroeker he was invited to be the principal guest speaker at the dedication of the Morija Deaconess Home, on May 23, 1910. He used the partaking of Christ’s blood and flesh at communion as an encouragement to serve God through helping the fellow man. When the Astrakhan seminary closed in 1 9 1 1 Jack stayed in Russia, and together with Jakob Kroeker and others established a tent mission among the Russian population. In 1914, with the outbreak of World War I, Jack and his family were interned [ verbannt ]. In July of 1918, after the collapse of the front in the east, they came out of Russian banishment, and went home to Halberstadt. He was drafted as a divisional chaplain until the end of the war, after which he returned in 1919. Jack and Jakob Kroeker still had an interest in witnessing to the Russian people. Immediately after the war the best way to do this seemed to be to do evangelistic work among Russian prisoners of war in Germany. The two of them established a mission named Licht im Osten [Light in the East], based in Wemigerode am Harz. To accomplish their goal they distributed Russian New Testaments and other literature in the camps. With excellent response, and the concern that prisoners were to return to Russia without Bibles, they established a Bible school and Walter L. Jack [1878 - 1939] 141 wrote correspondence courses. In 1920 they also began a publication Dein Reich Komme [Your Kingdom Come], which is still being printed [1999]. Apparently there were about 2,000 converts among the returning Russian prisoners of war. This mission and its various activities were the focus of Walter Jack for the rest of his life. He tried to interest groups in the ministry within the Soviet Union, and worked closely with organizations such as the Swedish “Society for the Spreading of the Gospel in Russia.” He travelled far and wide, both to encourage missions and to minister to groups of believers. It is mentioned that he often preached in Switzerland, and attended a number of conferences in Poland. He was a prolific writer, especially for Dein Reich Komme, often describing various aspects of church life in the Soviet Union. “The Evangelical Movement in Russia in the Eyes of its Opponents’ll 928] and “On the Religious Situation in Russia”[1929] are examples of his articles. Walter Jack and Jakob Kroeker seem to have worked together well - Walter as Missions Inspector with particular interest in Russia, and Jakob as Director. They did not attempt to establish churches or to align themselves with a specific denomination [although Jack was a Reformed Pfarrer, Kroeker a Mennonite Brethren minister, and many of their other co-workers Lutherans], They did help churches as the needs arose and were involved with the founding of a Russian seminary. Their personal motto and the motto of the mission was “But we do not preach ourselves, but Christ” [a loose quotation, likely from 1 Corinthians 2:1]. Both Jack and Kroeker participated in many conferences, church services and seminars. Through their contacts they were, at a convention held in Warsaw in 1937, asked to be on the executive ofthe Band der Evangeliums christen [Society ofEvangelical Christians], Jack to be vice- president, Kroeker president. Both declined the offer. Jack was then named Honorary President of the society to recognize the participation and love he had shown. Jack as a young man was strong and healthy. With the passage of years, however, he suffered from heart disease. He had completed an extensive trip to Bulgaria when his condition became more serious. Walter Jack died suddenly the night of January 6-7, 1939. To the end he had been full of hopes and plans for the future, yet he wanted to be wholly within the will of God. The funeral was held on January 10, 1939 at 3 PM in the Liebfrauenkirche, Burgstrasse, Wemigerode. The coffin was placed in front of the altar of the church, surrounded by flowers which had been sent by his many friends. Pastor Hans Brandenburg of Berlin-Lichtenrade, as one of the senior mission board members, presided over the service, and a Russian Evangelistic choir sang. Jack’s wife had died in 1 926, so relatives at the funeral were his sister and surviving children. Jakob Kroeker addressed the congregation as did representatives from a number of mission organizations. Pastor Brandenburg closed the service at the church with prayer and a blessing. The body was then taken to the cemetery, where Walter was buried beside his wife. After completion of the ceremonies the “mission family” and other guests gathered at the mission Erholungsheim [rest home], where the large number of letters and telegrams were read. There was a message from Prince Bemadotte of Sweden, thanking the Lord for everything that Pastor Jack had accomplished in the Kingdom of God. Superintendent Gensichen, representing the city of Wemigerode, bemoaned his loss. Dr. Zoeckler of Stanislovov, Poland, felt the loss deeply, as did A. L. Haig of the British and Foreign Bible Society based in Prague. Pfarrer D. E. Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland stated that both he and his wife were deeply moved, and that the wanderer would now behold the face of the Lord whom he had served. Professor Dr. Benjamin Unruh of Karlsruhe sent his condolences to both the Mission and the family. The work of the Mission had to carry on, so Joachim Mueller was appointed Mission Inspector of the Russian section. His helper was to be Jakob Dyck, who for years had been Walter Jack’s secretary and coordinator. 142 Sources: Kroeker, Jakob, Zum heimgang unsers Missions-Inspectors Pastor W. L. Jack, Dein Reich Komrae, February 1939, pp 17-36 News item, Einweihung des Diakonessenheims Morija, Friedensstimme, 5 June 1910, pp 3, 4 Sawatsky, Walter, Soviet Evangelicals Since World War II, Herald Press, Kitchener, Canada, Scottdale, USA, 1981, pp 38, 395 Schwarzkopf, C., Bei den Bruedern in Bulgarien, Dein Reich Kormne, February 1939, pp 36-39 Wardin, Albert W., Evangelical Sectarianism in the Russian Empire and the USSR: A Bibliographic Guide, The American Theological Library Association and The Scarecrow Press, Inc., Lanham. USA, and London, 1995 143 21. THE FLOOD OF 1912 There had been floods in the Halbstadt region of the Molotschna Colony on a number of occasions, notably 1 893 and 1909, but the flood of 1912 was the worst in living memory. The winter of 191 1 to 1912 was relatively mild, with very changeable weather. There were four heavy snowfalls followed by warm temperatures and considerable melting. Because of the variation in temperature the ground became frozen; with a sudden melt the water could not soak into the ground, but had to run off. There was heavy snowfall for several weeks, then again warm temperatures on February 24-26, 1912. This caused rapid melting and widespread flooding of the Molochnaya River and its tributaries, especially the Tokmak and the Begim-Tschokrak Rivers. Flooding was recorded well up the Tokmak River at Klippenfeld. The houses and bams were not inundated because they were on higher ground, but the low lying gardens towards the river were. Agnes Thiessen [Fast], five years old at the time, recalls that just the tips of some of the trees showed above the water. She was terrified by the loud crunches of ice flows colliding. Two wooden bridges in the village were swept away. After a few days the Fast family travelled downstream to see what had happened to their relatives in Liebenau. Chairs and dead cats were strewn on the street. Heinrich and Lena Fast, uncle and aunt of Agnes, had been sleeping peacefully when their small child, Lena, had cried. The aunt, getting up to tend Lena, had stepped into water. She woke her husband, who discovered that there was water in the whole house. When he opened the door to see what was going on outside he was unable to close it again because of the rush of water. The whole family climbed up to the loft for safety. Several days later the children were still upset because they had lost some toys and dolls in the flood. Heinrich Gaede also reported about Liebenau, perhaps the hardest hit Mennonite village. The water of the Tokmak River rose very rapidly, possibly due to ice jams. There was soon a fast flowing stream down the main street of the village carrying straw, wood, and ice flows up to 2 1 inches thick. Heinrich and his family were trying to secure the house and bam from rising waters when he heard shouts coming from the street. A man was standing on his buggy calling for help. His driver had cut the horses loose and escaped himself, leaving the man stranded on his vehicle. He now demanded that Heinrich bring him a horse. Heinrich shouted back that it would be impossible to get a horse from the bam, and besides, they were already all wet, so he himself would also have to get into the water. The stream pushed the buggy close to the fence, so the man jumped into the water and escaped to Gaede’s house. Heinrich told him “You have come to our house to be rescued, while we ourselves are planning to leave!” “No,” the man replied, “ I am staying here!” He was given dry clothing, and the family continued to dam off the doors of their home. A friend of the Gaedes, Abram Kroeker of Wemersdorf, managed to reach the yard through the garden, where the flood stream was not so strong. He rescued four of their youngest children on his wagon. Heinrich, in the meantime, had decided to stay on his farm as long as possible in an attempt to save his cattle and horses. The water reached the back shed, but had not flooded the main house when he noted that it was no longer rising. By 144 evening the crest had been reached, and the water level was falling. Some of the immediate neighbours of the Gaedes had evacuated or were sleeping up in the attics. The eastern end of the village must have been lower, since the flooding there was more severe. The house of Gerhard Doerksen [No. 2] was flooded to the windows, and subsequently collapsed. The shop of Martin Hiebert [No. 3] was also ruined. Jakob Neufeld’s house [No. 4] caved in due to damage and was later replaced by a new home, this time built on a high foundation. No. 5, flooded to the windows, also collapsed. Farther downstream flooding and subsequent damage was very severe in the Ukrainian town of Tokmak. A large wooden bridge was destroyed by the ice and pushed against a more sturdy stone bridge. About 200 houses were flooded and collapsed, with considerable damage to many more. The police asked a Jewish couple to evacuate their home, but the husband was afraid to have his very ill wife moved, the cool air might hurt her. When the water poured into the windows it was difficult to reach the house, and by the time rescuers arrived, the lady had died. In Halbstadt, on the Molochnaya River, many basements were flooded, and at least one house collapsed. This house was noted to be constructed of fired bricks; they must have been a construction material prone to disintegration with flooding. Two telegraph poles were knocked down by the ice, tearing the wires. It was dangerous to travel across the river to Prischib not only because of the high level of the water, but because of the strength of the raging current. Travel was disrupted sufficiently to make it impossible to deliver the mail on February 27. Other tributaries of the Molochnaya River, such as the Begim-Tschokrak, also flooded. At Waldheim, well up the stream, considerable damage was reported. The river overflowed its system of dikes, and forced at least one family to evacuate; many orchards were extensively damaged. While there was fairly widespread destruction in the northern Molotschna, one Flooding in Halbstadt, likely in 1912. At the left is the residence of Benjamin Unruh Flooding in Halbstadt, likely in 1912 145 village saw the possible bright side of the flood. At Fischau, downstream from Halbstadt on the Molochnaya River, there was also flooding, but obviously quite limited. It was reported that the inundation of the lowlands would ensure that there would be a good crop of hay for that year! Sources: Bergmann, Peter and Helena, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 15 May 1912, pp 14, 15 Gaede, Heinrich and K., Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 22 May 1912, pp 15, 16 Harder, Jakob Johann, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau, 22 May 1912, p 15 Huebert, H. T., Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, p 360 Lohrenz, Gerhard, Heritage Remembered, CMBC Publications, Winnipeg, Canada, 1974, p 53. Lohrenz has labelled the flood pictures as 1 9 1 5 . News reports from the Molotschna during that time record only mild weather with very little snow. There is absolutely no mention of a flood. We are presuming the pictures are actually from 1912. Mennonite Historical Atlas, p 34 News Reports, Friedensstimme, 29 February 1912 p 9; 7 March 1912, p 4; 14 March 1912, p 9 Thiessen, Agnes, Personal Letter, 29 October 1 998 Background Information: Map: Northwestern Molotschna Colony... the flood of 1912 146 147 22. DEDICATION OF RESERVISTS SEPTEMBER 1, 1914 Dates in this article are according to the Julian, or Old Calendar; war was therefore declared on July 16, 1914 Following the defeats in the Crimean War, the Russian government felt that revamping of the military structure was necessary. As a result universal conscription eventually became a law in 1 874. Mennonites, fearing that their principle of non-resistance was being compromised, negotiated an agreement on September 19, 1880, whereby young men could serve their military time in forestry camps [Forstei]. The usual complement of about 1 ,000 men was chosen by lot, to serve four years. Initially there were six, then eight, and just before World War I a total of eleven camps. With the outbreak of World War I the alternate services were expanded to include medical orderly [ Sanitaetsdienst ], road building, additional forestry duties and other services. Initially volunteers were called for, and Mennonites responded. Elder Heinrich Unruh of the Halbstadt Mennonite Church, for example, encouraged men to join up. He wrote “Go with God, wherever duty will call you, and spend all your energy, and if called upon, your life, in this holy service.” By August 19, 1914 over 400 young men had volunteered as medical orderlies, of which 190 came from the Chortitza region, and 130 from the Halbstadt and Gnadenfeld districts. On August 24 a group of 29, including five trained nurses, left Halbstadt for Simferopol. Prior to departure they participated in a service of dedication in the Mennonite church. Teacher Benjamin Unruh and Elder Heinrich Unruh delivered sermons admonishing those departing to cling to the everlasting rock, Jesus Christ. In reporting the event the editors of Friedensstimme sent them off with “With God for Czar and the Fatherland.” August 25, obviously before this group of 29 had reached its destination, a letter was sent from Simferopol. On station there were already 51 Mennonite medical orderlies and five nurses from the Muntau Hospital. They were preparing the local hospital to receive three to four hundred casualties in the next few days. Conditions were good, there was plenty of food, with five meals a day. Also on August 25 a telegram was received, certainly in Halbstadt and presumably in all volost headquarters, that a universal draft was to be implemented. All reservists bom 1 896 or earlier [up to the age of 43], were to report to Ekaterinoslav by September 2. Those from the Halbstadt Volost were to collect in Halbstadt on September 1, those from the Gnadenfeld Volost in Gnadenfeld, the others were to travel directly to Ekaterinoslav. * * * Word was received that a train of empty fourth class coaches would pick up the Mennonite reservists on September 1 , and would arrive at the railroad station at 8 AM. At 6:45 AM that morning, on the yard of the Mennonite Church at Halbstadt [the building itself could not have accommodated all the participants] a farewell dedication service was 148 held. Minister Heinrich Braun [Mennonite Brethren] used the passage Acts 20:32 as text for his sermon. It reads “Now I commit you to God and to the word of his grace.” Elder Heinrich Unruh [Mennonite Church] spoke on Romans 12:12 “Be joyful in hope, patient in affliction, faithful in prayer.” He especially emphasized the need for persistent prayer. The closing song, Jesu geh voran, [Jesus Guide Our Way] provided a gripping and awe inspiring atmosphere. After the blessing was pronounced the national anthem was sung. Then everyone headed for the train station, with automobile, wagon or on foot; it was estimated that there were several hundred vehicles present. Many a quiet tear was shed, mostly by those being left behind. There was no loud weeping, likely because of the consciousness that it was necessary to serve the Fatherland in its great hour of need. Similar farewells were being said at Gnadenfeld with a 322 man contingent leaving Waldheim [Stulnevo] early in the morning. When the train pulled into Halbstadt, the eleven cars of Gnadenfeld reservists were joined by those from Halbstadt, the total of 700 to 800 men then heading north to Ekaterinoslav. On September 2 most of these reservists were assigned to be medical orderlies. * * * By March 1,1915a total of 3,093 Mennonites were serving as medical orderlies, increasing to 6,548 by 1916. Service in the medical corp was often well behind the front, but sometimes involved battle fields, so there were injuries and deaths, as well as diseases such as typhus. Casualties [deaths] numbered about 125. In all about 14,000 Mennonite men were mobilized, of which 7,000 were medical orderlies, a few hundred built roads, and the majority of the others served in forestry camps. Women were not actively conscripted, but a number of nurses from the Mennonite hospitals participated in medical care of the wounded. Sources: Huebert, H. T., Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, pp 229-233 Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 59, 136, 137 News Report, Kriegserklaerung, Friedensstinune, 23 July 1914, p 4 News Report, Aufruf Friedensstinune, 23 July 1914, p 7 News Report, Friedensstinune, 9 August 1914, p 6 News Report, Friedensstinune, 13 August 1914, p 6 News Report, Friedensstinune, 27 August 1914, p 5 News Report, Abfahrt mennonitischer Reservisten von Halbstadt, Friedensstinune, 3 September 1914, p 5 News Report, Von unsern Sanitaetern, Friedensstinune, 3 September 1914, p 5 News Report, Mennonitische Rundschau, 18 November 1914, p 13 Unruh, Elder H. Mennonitische Reservisten und Ratniki!, Friedensstinune, 16 August 1914, Beilage, p 9 Background Information: Elder Heinrich Peter Unruh Heinrich Jakob Braun [see Bible Conference in Halbstadt] 149 HEINRICH PETER UNRUH [1845-1928] One of the Speakers at the Dedication of the Reservists, September 1, 1914 Heinrich Peter Unruh was bom on March 23, 1 845 in Alexanderwohl, Molotschna Colony. He was the eldest of the seven children of Peter and Sara [Schroeder] Unruh. The family moved a few verst to the newly established village ofNikolaidorf, likely in 1851. In school Heinrich had excellent teachers, H. Richert and J. Toews, but mostly he was a self taught man. He mastered German through the use of a grammar book he had purchased himself. A Russian grammar book he received as a gift from his former teacher, J. Toews, helped him to gain a good grasp of Russian. He learned theology on his own and acquired a wide range of other knowledge. At a young age Heinrich was appointed teacher in Mariawohl, a village near Gnadenfeld in the Molotschna Colony. Then, when he was 26, he was elected minister by his church, the Neukirch congregation. Elder Johann Harder presided at his ordination. Heinrich was known for his thought provoking, yet calm, warm and elegant sermons. Heinrich was married twice; his first wife, Helena Loewen, died in 1885. He then married Maria Loewen. Members of the Unruh family, including Heinrich’s parents and four siblings [Peter, Anna, David and Katharina] had emigrated to Kansas in 1874. In 1885, probably after the death of his first wife, he went on an extended trip to the United States to visit his family. After his remarriage, Heinrich and his new wife Maria moved to Muntau, near Halbstadt. At that time he became leader of the Halbstadt Mennonite Church. In 1896 the Halbstadt affiliate of the larger Ohrloff congregation voted for independence, and also elected Heinrich as elder. Elder Heinrich Dirks of Gnadenfeld organized the election, and carried out the installation service several weeks later. Throughout his term as elder Heinrich Unruh was known for his attitude of servanthood; he applied Christian principles of operation to the function of the church. Heinrich not only served his own congregation, but also the wider Mennonite community. He was chairman of the board of the nursing school Morijcv, he was on the Molotschna School Board [Schulrat], which supervised the teaching of German and religion in the schools, serving for 3 1 years. He was chairman of the Molotschna Church Conference for many years. He, together with Heinrich Braun, conducted an open air farewell service for departing reservists on September 1, 1914. Heinrich referred to Romans 12:12 “Be joyful in hope, patient in affliction, faithful in prayer.” He also participated in delegations that travelled to St. Petersburg to make presentations to government officials, and even had an audience with the Czar. In 1916 Heinrich retired as elder of the Halbstadt congregation because of poor health. Soon thereafter he suffered a stroke which made him an invalid for the rest of his life. This did not spare him mistreatment at the hands of Makhno terrorists, who threw rotten apples into his face and pulled his beard, mockingly calling him a “German Archbishop.” After several days of increasing fever and periods of shaking, Heinrich Unruh died at 4 AM on November 4, 1 928. He was 83 years and seven months of age. ■ r' \ Heinrich Unruh [1845-1928] 150 The funeral was held on November 6, at the Halbstadt Mennonite Church. Elder Abraham Klassen, who had followed Unruh as elder of the congregation, delivered the funeral oration. He used the words of Simeon found in Luke 2:29 to express his sentiments “...you now dismiss your servant in peace.” He described Heinrich as a human being, as a Christian, and as someone who had suffered. L. Harder, daughter of the famous poet Bernhard Harder, dedicated a poem to Heinrich. Four of the Unruh children had left Russia for Canada in 1924. Heinrich’s widow Maria and some of the other children tried to emigrate from Russia in 1 929, but were forcibly deported to central Asia. Sources: Friesen, P. M., pp 530, 541, 659 Goerz, Heinrich, Die Molotschnaer Ansiedlung, Echo-Verlag, Steinbach, Canada, 1950U951 pp 136, 137 Hiebert, Clarence, Brothers in Deed to Brothers in Need, Faith and Life Press, Newton, USA, 1974, p 170 Huebert, H. T., Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, pp 29, 230 Janz, H. B., Letter, Der Bote, 29 November 1928, p 1 Letter from daughter of H. Unruh, Der Bote, 13 December 1928, p 2 Mennonite Encyclopedia Mennonite Historical Atlas, p 34 News Report, Friedensstimme, 3 September 1914, p 5 It should be noted that in some of the indexes all references to “Heinrich Unruh” are lumped together, or attributed to the wrong person. There were at least three church leaders by that name active at roughly the same time, Elder Heinrich Peter Unruh of the Halbstadt Mennonite Church, Heinrich Unruh of the Kuban, and Missionary Heinrich Heinrich Unruh. 151 23. CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS FEBRUARY 1917 - MARCH 1919 Prelude of events leading up to March 11, 1919 February, 1917 Overthrow of Czar Nicholas II Provisional government established by Kerensky, which promised to broaden freedoms of minority groups June 6-8, 1917 All-Mennonite Conference held at Neu-Halbstadt Passed resolutions to undergird Mennonite schools, welfare institutions, inner life of the church August, 1917 All-Mennonite Congress in Ohrloff, outlining civil side of Mennonite life: minority legal status, Mennonite press, land redistribution October 25, 1917 Revolution bringing Bolsheviks to power Early 1918 Halbstadt and Gnadenfeld Volosts came under control of local Soviet February 5, 1918 Red Army troops reached Halbstadt, beginning the “Halbstadt Days of Terror.” Requisitioning, robbing, some murders by the roving bands of soldiers March 3, 1918 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk signed, allowing Austro-German occupation of Ukraine April 19, 1918 Occupation of Halbstadt by German troops. Mennonites welcomed them cordially. Traditional volost government re-established. Molotschna part of independent Ukraine May, 1918 German military parades, drills, Ludendorf festivals started to attract Mennonite youth Selbstschutz, consisting of armed, para-military units organized in Halbstadt, Gnadenfeld, Tiege, Tiegenhagen. Military drills held throughout the summer June, 1918 Recovery of some of the previously requisitioned property, sometimes by force A few executions of previous oppressors 152 June 30 - July 2, 1918 Summer 1918 October 1918 November 1918 Late 1918 Early 1919 March 6 - 10, 1919 March 8, 1919 March 11, 1919 All-Mennonite Conference in Lichtenau, Molotschna. Issue of Selbstschutz sidestepped by upholding the Mennonite belief in non-resistance, but recommending tolerance for those not sharing this view. Argument for needing protection, especially against violence and rapine of Makhno bandits More active Selbstschutz with German withdrawal imminent Some intimidation against those who disagreed Four Molotschna villages refused to set up units Early Makhno attacks German troops evacuated. Formal agreement establishing the Selbstschutz signed between contingent leaders of Halbstadt, Gnadenfeld and Prischib. Total force of about 2,700 infantry and 300 cavalry. Leadership mainly from a few remaining German officers Makhno’s banditry increasing. Irregular Red Army units in the area. White Army under General Denikin advanced and occupied the Halbstadt and Gnadenfeld volosts. Whites attempted to incorporate the Selbstschutz. They collaborated in two battles, one south of Gnadenfeld, the other the occupation of Chemigovka on the week-end of December 5. Selbstschutz insisted on its defensive role White Army retreated southward. The Selbstschutz tried to stem the tide against Makhno. Red Army headed southward on the heels of the retreating Whites. Makhno joined them. First skirmishes north of Molotschna on March 2 Final battle north of the Molotschna, Selbstschutz against the combined Red Army and Makhno. Very little strategic planning. Said to have “hundreds of enemy dead” and light Selbstschutz casualties. Selbstschutz front collapsed. Many Selbstschutz members fled south to the Crimea the night of March 9-10 Heinz von Homeyer, a German officer, appointed commander of the Selbstschutz two days before it collapsed Red Army troops invade Gnadenfeld 153 GNADENFELD MERCY MARCH 11, 1919 While sustaining heavy casualties, perhaps up to 760 men, the combined might of the Red Army, Thirty-third Division under General Dobenko and the Makhno bandits prevailed over the Selbstschutz. In a battle north of the Molotschna on March 6-10, 1919, the Selbstschutz front eventually collapsed, with many of its members escaping south to the Crimea the night of March 9-10. The Red Army troops swooped southward into the Molotschna and into Gnadenfeld. The terrifying sound of artillery fire came from all sides. General Dobenko stormed into the village to the volost headquarters. Two men meekly came out to meet him, one being Komelius Martens, rector of the Gnadenfeld Handelsschule and minister of the Sparrau Mennonite Brethren Church. Komelius humbly pled “Mr. Dobenko, forgive us!” Then the general let them have it. “You damned renegades from the faith of your fathers! For 400 years you could not take arms, but now for your damned Kaiser Wilhelm...” Three times the men had to hear “You damned renegades from the faith of your fathers!” Certain they were about to die, Martens earnestly pled once more “Comrade Dobenko, forgive us!” General Dobenko finally replied “I will not kill all, but my soldiers may plunder for three days, and where they find Selbstschuetzler, they may execute them.” Heinz von Homeyer had taken command of the Selbstschutz two days before its collapse. While not changing the final outcome, he did deploy the troops in such a way that they were not encircled by the Red Army. As a consequence a fair number of the Selbstschuetzler had been able to escape southward to the Crimea, and were not executed. After the March 1 1 episode a special delegation headed by Benjamin H. Unruh approached the communist authorities, pointing out that the Selbstschutz had been defined as a civilian, protective, peace-keeping force. Molotschna Mennonites were therefore promised immunity from reprisal if they would surrender all their guns within three days. Again, after intercession on their behalf by Benjamin Unruh and J. J. Janzen, a group of eleven Halbstadt students was freed, on the understanding that their Selbstschutz activities had been on the basis of upholding the civil order. Sources: Huebert, H. T,, Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, pp 242, 243, 247-249 Huebert, H. T., Komelius Martens: Our Skillful Advocate, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, p 8 Toews, John B., Czars, Soviets & Mennonites, Faith and Life Press, Newton, USA, pp 79-94 Background Information: Komelius Martens 154 KORNELIUS MARTENS [1880-1940?] A Gnadenfeld Intercessor Komelius Komelius Martens was bom in Wemersdorf, Molotschna, on November 15, 1 880. He was the first of five children of Komelius and Helena [Wolff] Martens. Soon after his birth the couple moved to Spat in the Crimea. Early settlement years were hard, the family sometimes having only thin watery soup to eat. In August of 1887 father Komelius died as a result of an accident, leaving Helena as a widow with five children. That same year Komelius started school. He was a good student, being blessed with an excellent memory. He also had a sense of responsibility and was proud to help his mother, being the oldest “man” in the house. David Huebert, a widower living in Margenau, Molotschna, proposed marriage to Helena by mail. This was refused, but the quest was more successful when David personally appeared in Spat. The couple was married on October 18, 1892 in Rueckenau. The family moved to a Kleinwirtschaft in Margenau. To the five children of David Huebert, the five children of Helena, another eight were added through this marriage. Komelius was a good student at the village school in Margenau, then with his family skimping and saving, he continued his education at the Gnadenfeld Zentralschule. With the help of a scholarship he completed the two year teacher training school in Halbstadt. He first taught school in Siberia, then Samara and Alexanderpol. In Alexanderpol the young teacher met Sara Friesen, daughter in one of the households where he boarded. Despite his poverty, they were married on July 3, 1 904. The couple had eight children, Komelius, Sara, Helena, Tusnelda, Alexander, Heinrich, Elfriede and Anneliese. In 1906 the Martens family moved to Nikolayevka [No. 5] in the Ignatyevo Colony, where Komelius again taught school. He helped establish a Zentralschule which opened its doors in the autumn of 1 907 with 23 students. Komelius was one of the teachers, instructing religion, German and Russian. In 1 9 1 1 Komelius developed a throat condition which for a time forced him to give up teaching. The Martens family then moved to St. Petersburg in 1912, where Komelius worked as bookkeeper for a branch office of the publishing house Raduga. He attended night school at the university, completing courses in economics as well as European languages. He seemed to have a special facility for languages, to varying degrees mastering German, Russian, French, English, Latin, Ukrainian and of course Low German. After two years of studies in St. Petersburg Komelius was appointed inspector of schools for the Gnadenfeld Volost, and Rector of the Gnadenfeld Handelsschule [business college]. At the age of 19, after completing the teacher training, Komelius became a Christian, and that summer joined the Rueckenau Mennonite Brethren Church. At the age of 26 he was elected minister. When he was appointed at Gnadenfeld he joined the Sparrau Mennonite Brethren Church, where in time he was elected elder. During this time the family lived in Gnadenfeld, so this often meant a lot of travel, in later years sometimes on foot. In the Martens household it was said “He taught us to pray and to work.” When spending was required on the farm, things had to be thought through carefully, but for books there was always money! Even illness did not dampen Komelius’ enthusiasm for knowledge. He contracted typhus, and could lie on only one side because of bedsores. He spent the time conjugating French verbs to take his mind off the pain. 155 After the abdication of the Czar and during the Kerensky government, Komelius was elected head of the Gnadenfeld Volost, a position he occupied for about one and a half years. On one occasion in the unsettled times that followed, the Handelsschule was surrounded by armed men. Martens and another teacher, Rempel, were apprehended for helping a female colleague. Both were to be shot in the schoolyard, when a cleaning lady asked for mercy for the teachers. Finally, for a pair of warm winter underwear and after a stem admonition to mind their own business, the two men were released. Later, when the Selbstschutz protective force collapsed, the Red Army stormed into Gnadenfeld on March 11,1919. Komelius Martens and another man stepped forward to face the angry General Dobenko. He pleaded with the general ”Mr. Dobenko, forgive us!” Finally Dobenko agreed to allow plunder, but not killing, except for Selbstschuetzler. Eventually the Soviet government took control of the area. Komelius was released from his position as rector of the school and was required to pay a substantial fine within 48 hours. January 6, 1 922 the family moved from Gnadenfeld to Grossweide, where Komelius started to farm, although he still continued his church activities. He was appointed the official land surveyor for the village of Grossweide. Because Komelius understood economics and the laws of the land he was often asked for help and advice. His well known peace position enabled him to represent Mennonite youths when they appeared at court hearings to establish their non-resistant status. Komelius participated in various inter-Mennonite activities. He was at the General Conference of Mennonite Churches in Russia held in Moscow in January, 1925, and was elected secretary. During this time he was also elected secretary-treasurer of the KfK [Kommission fuer Kirchenangelegenheiten ]. When a new publication Unser Blatt was initiated, again at this conference, Komelius was chosen as secretary-treasurer. He also contributed articles and poetry to this paper. During these years the family often considered emigration. Difficulty in paying for the passage as well as the poor medical condition of Sara made them reluctant to resettle. Komelius reasoned “It is the Lord’s way, he still needs me here.” On July 7, 1929 Komelius and Sara Martens celebrated their silver wedding anniversary. Their seven surviving children [one died at an early age], almost the entire Sparrau congregation, the whole village of Grossweide and many friends participated. Reminiscing about the past 25 years Komelius could say “Praise be to God for everything. I have kept faith with the good principles of our Mennonite heritage, faith in our just cause, and in God’s promises.” Komelius was often taken to the police station in Melitopol during this time to account for his various church and related activities. The authorities sometimes detained him for up to two weeks; on at least one occasion his travel was restricted to the borders of his owm village of Grossweide. In 1930 the collectivization of the Molotschna began, but since Komelius was a minister he was not allowed to participate in the collective farm. Gradually his land was taken from Komelius Martens [1880 - 1940?] 156 him, until he had only 16 dessiatines [43.2 acres], yet he was forbidden to sell the farm. Soon an ever increasing tax was demanded, and when the family tried to have an auction to raise the money, authorities cancelled it. One Sunday morning, while Komelius was preaching, a car could be heard entering the village. This was usually bad news. When the Martens reached their home after the service they were informed that they had to leave the region within 24 hours. Sara and the youngest children were immediately taken to stay with relatives, Komelius and the older four left by wagon the next day. For a time the family was scattered among relatives or lived in Russian villages. In the spring of 1 93 1 Komelius obtained a position as teacher of Latin and German at a medical institute in Stalino [later Donetsk], When he found accommodations for his family they gradually all moved to Stalino as well. Circumstances were difficult, but they survived. After steadily declining health, then more serious illness for five months, Sara died on February 28, 1934, of heart failure. Despite trying hard, Komelius concluded that it was difficult to run a household without a mother. Anna Klassen, originally from Ekaterinoslav [now Dnepropetrovsk] had in the past impressed Komelius. She had contributed some articles to Unser Blatt. She was asked to come and visit the family, with marriage in mind. The responsibility was too great, she thought, so she left having given a negative answer. Soon after, with a change of heart, she wrote back to Komelius and accepted his proposal. They were married in August, 1 934. Both Komelius and Anna worked in the medical institute, the economic situation of the family improving with this added income. In Stalino Komelius could not ignore his commitment to God, and so continued to work as minister. He led Bible studies, and also preached on occasion. In the spring of 1937 he was once again asked to report to the police headquarters. Komelius had a premonition of impending trouble, for he said “Soon my turn will come, and my only crime is that I have faithfully served my Lord and Saviour.” On the night of August 6, 1937, the police searched their rooms, and confiscated some of his papers. Komelius was jailed in Stalino, in a cell so small that only one of the occupying three prisoners could sleep at a time. Once a month a package of food or clothes could be sent to him or money designated for his use. Anna was able to see and speak to him on only one occasion. By then he was very thin. When parcels sent to Komelius were returned, the family knew that after one year of imprisonment in Stalino, he had been transferred. On persistent questioning Anna was informed that he was sentenced to ten years exile, no exchange of letters allowed. Some time after World War II a son received the information that Komelius had died of pneumonia two years after his arrival. No specific location or date of death was given. Sources: Huebert, H. T., Komelius Martens: Our Skillful Advocate, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, pp 1-19 Janz, Heinrich, Prediger Komelius Martens, Mennoblatt, 16 November 1991, p 7 News Report, Mennonitische Rundschau, 18 September 1929, p 12 Personal Interviews: Gerhard D. Huebert [half-brother of Komelius Martens], Anna Huebert [half-sister], and Tusnelda Volkmann and Elfriede Martens, daughters of Komelius Martens Toews, John B., Czars, Soviets & Mennonites, Faith and Life Press, Newton, USA, 1982, p 90 Volkmann, Tusnelda, Lebenslauf meines Voters Komelius Komelius Martens, in Mennonitische Maertyrer edited by Aron a Toews, 1949, pp 207-213 157 24. MASSACRE IN MUENSTERBERG NOVEMBER 29 - DECEMBER 1, 1919 Withdrawal of German troops from the Ukraine in November, 1918, resulted in anarchy for the region. An all-out civil war began in which White Army units under General Denikin, Red troops, a Ukrainian National Army and various local partisans ranged back and forth. Nestor Makhno, using his home in Gulyaipole as base, organized a band of anarchists, an irregular army of 5,000 - 8,000 men, of which 1 ,500 were cavalry. His ten “regiments” [bands?] ravaged the countryside, their basic philosophy being destruction, with particular emphasis on kulak peasants and the urban middle class. Unfortunately the major Mennonite colonies were caught in the middle of this confusing struggle. Some attempts at defence were made by the Mennonites with the formation of Selbstschutz units, but with the collapse of the front after the skirmish of March 2 and the battle of March 6- 1 0, 1 9 1 9, the situation for the Mennonites may only have been aggravated. For the “army” of Makhno plunder, burning and rape were standard treatment; killing followed at the slightest provocation. Many Mennonite villages were occupied, a few were virtually destroyed, many people losing their lives. Principal time of uncontrolled terror by the Revolutionary Insurrection Army of Ukraine [commonly called Makhnovtse by the Mennonites] was from October to December, 1919. On October 26, Eichenfeld of the Yazykovo Colony was attacked, and 82 people left dead. Hochfeld had 1 9, Nikolaifeld 13, Franzfeld 1 1 and Petersdorf seven dead. In the Molotschna, Blumenort had 20 people killed on November 1 1, with 1 1 in Altonau, and six in Ohrloff. The Chortitza Colony had 97 people killed by the Makhnovtse in 1919, 21 in Nieder-Chortitza, 14 in Kronsweide, 13 each in Neuendorf and Chortitza. * * * The Sagradovka Colony seems to have been singled out for unusual punishment. A band of Makhnovtse used the neighbouring towns of Shestemaya and Zagradovka as bases to stage a number of raids into the colony. The bandits were fuelled by an uninterrupted supply of Samogonka, a home brew which was being produced in Shestemaya. The local Russians joined the activities, often taking vehicles into the colony to cart off stolen goods. Perhaps playing a role in the proceedings was a general resentment the local population had against Mennonites and other Germans. The war was over, but they were still basically the enemy. The fact that they had done well economically added a feeling of hostility. Even more specifically, the village of Shestemaya wanted more land, so it is possible that the bandits had been asked to totally destroy the neighbouring Mennonite settlement of Muensterberg to make room for expansion. * * * 158 Raids into the Sagradovka Colony started on November 29, and continued until December 1,1919. In Orloff there was murder, rape, robbing and burning of property, with a total of 45 deaths. Similar events occurred in a number of the other villages. In Tiege there were at least 17 deaths, in Reinfeld 16 and Gnadenfeld 12. Schoenau appeared to be spared, but was finally attacked on December 1 , with 1 1 deaths. * * * Muensterberg, although relatively poor, yet pious, was subjected to the most brutal and repeated attacks. On November 29 at 2 PM a droshky filled with armed men and accompanied by six armed outriders came into the village to speak to the mayor. The men were dressed as, and pretended to be White soldiers. The village administration remained strictly neutral, so as not to give offence to anyone. The visitors left, having been unsuccessful in their attempt to produce a “provocation.” The dye had, however, been cast. The raid was already planned. Late that same afternoon the village street was suddenly filled with riders and wagons. A band with a loud drum was set up in the middle of the village, and played jolly music. With this eerie accompaniment the destruction commenced. Bandits rushed into each yard and began the slaughter. In other villages most of the victims had been the men - but not in Muensterberg! From the child in the cradle to the tired old grey head, all were hacked to pieces, and many burned. Peasants who had come with their wagons boldly entered the houses, and took whatever they pleased. Many houses were set on fire, incinerating anyone who was inside. Bams were also torched, with many animals perishing. Wilhelm Martens, mayor of the village, had been threatened. His wife, fearing for the life of her husband, urged him to hide. This he did, in the back garden. From this vantage point he saw the fires, heard the wild shouting and shooting, as well as the penetrating grotesque blaring of the band and the beat of the drum. As soon as things had quietened down, and the bandits seemed to have gone, Wilhelm sneaked back to his home. In the darkness he stumbled over the body of his dead wife. Throughout the house lay the bodies of his six children, the oldest eleven years of age, all badly mutilated. In despair Wilhelm left his home and ran to the neighbours. There the heads of their children were set on the window sills, as if they were flower pots. In another home the bandits had killed the mother and her seven children, and had placed their heads on chairs around the table. That is how the husband found them. In his own residence the teacher, Johann Martens, had been badly wounded. While he lay on the floor, dying, the bandits sat down at his table, ate and drank the home brew they had brought with them. The second teacher, Heinrich Wolf, had his throat cut. He was found later, having tried to stem the flow of blood with his shirt - but to no avail. During the night many of the people who had been able to hide returned to their homes, but early the next morning the bandits and peasants returned. The robbing, burning 159 and killing continued. A number of people had crossed the Ingulets River, seeking refuge with their Russian friends in Shestemaya. Most of them were betrayed and also murdered. The bandits took some women with them to Shestemaya, and if they offered any resistance to being raped, simply murdered them. Finally, on the evening of the third day, Sunday, December 1, the bandits were frightened off. They had seen the beam of a light of an approaching column of Denikin’s troops. Defenceless civilians were easy to deal with, but they had no stomach for armed disciplined soldiers! The bandits rapidly broke camp and fled in a south-east direction to Kronau, and from there towards Nikopol. When the violence finally stopped a total of at least 98 people had been murdered in Muensterberg. All the houses except one had been burned to the ground. The one house remaining was dismantled by the peasants and carted away. Muensterberg had become a large cemetery. Only eight to ten small huts remained amidst the desolate abandoned piles of ashes. Going beyond statistics, the human loss and suffering caused by this brutal tragedy cannot be calculated. Entire families were annihilated: Abraham Reimers[5], Jakob Dueckmanns[5] , Minister Abram Regehrs[5], Heinrich Thiessens[8], Johann Wiebes[3], Jakob A. Regehrs[8], Bernhard Langemanns[7], Gerhard Reimers[3], Bernhard Giesbrechts[6]. In a number of families only one spouse survived the wholesale slaughter: Wilhelm J Martens[6], Maria Martens[7]. At least three victims were infants, and were either hacked to death or left to be burned alive in their cribs. December 4, when it was known with certainty that the bandits had left, people from other villages came to Muensterberg to help find and bury the dead. Only 37 bodies could be positively identified, the others had been burned beyond recognition in the conflagration. The following Sunday “7ote«/e,s,te”[fimeral services] were held in the three churches of the colony. One person observed that even the worst tragedy can have benefit - some of the survivors may have been drawn closer to the Saviour, and could find peace beyond that which the world would give. “The Lord has given” they might say, “The Lord has taken, his name be praised.” From the vantage point of 80 years distance in history, it is difficult to be certain that anything can be learned from this event except to realize the total depravity to which mankind can sink. Sources: Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 46, 63, 131, 132, 138 Lohrenz, Gerhard, Sagradowka, Echo-Verlag, Rosthem, Canada, 1947, pp 94-103 Lohrenz, Gerhard, Fire over Zagradovka, Steinbach, Canada, 1983, pp 44-54 Background Information: Map: Sagradovka Colony Nestor Makhno 160 Sagradovka Colony, showing the number of deaths in six of the villages 161 River NESTOR IVANOVICH MAKHNO [1889- 1934] Anarchist Nestor Ivanovich Makhno was bom October 27, 1889 in Gulyaipole, a Ukrainian village about 65 kilometres northeast of the Molotschna Colony. Despite coming from a poor peasant family he completed his public school, then in his youth worked as a shepherd and drove oxcarts for German landowners. He also worked in a foundry, and at one time in a small Kroeger plant. In 1906 Makhno joined a group of Ukrainian anarchists, was arrested in 1908, and eventually served time in the Butyrki Prison in Moscow. He was released with the general amnesty of March, 1917, and returned home to Gulyaipole. When German troops occupied the region in early 1918 he temporarily left for Moscow, then returned in July to organize small bands of anarchists which employed hit and run tactics against local chutors [estates]. When the German troops withdrew in November, 1918, there was total anarchy in the region. This allowed Makhno and his rag-tag army virtually free reign. Using his home Gulyaipole as base, he and his “irregulars” raided the surrounding countryside. Officially called the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine, the roving groups were commonly called “Makhnovtse” by the Mennonites. For the Makhnovtse plunder, burning and rape were standard practice; murder followed the slightest provocation. The major Mennonite colonies were caught in the middle of this confusing struggle. They were likely singled out for additional treatment because they were from a minority group, German and among the more wealthy. The Makhnovtse were not disciplined troops, so they likely favoured the relatively easy prey of generally non-resistant villages. There may also have been an element of personal revenge on the part of Nestor Makhno himself. The principal time of uncontrolled terror was from October to December, 1919. In Yazykovo there was plunder, burning and rape, with at least 1 32 dead. The Molotschna had relatively few casualties, 37. In Chortitza there were 97 murders. November 29, 30 and December 1 witnessed repeated raids into Sagradovka, with a total of 199 deaths. In December, 1919, the Red Army gained control of the area; in time the Communists felt that the partisans were no longer needed, even posing a threat. As a result Makhno felt it wiser to escape across the Dniester River to Romania on August 28, 1921. Then he went to Danzig, Berlin and finally Paris. There he died July 25, 1 934, likely from excessive drink and tuberculosis. A motley crowd of several hundred anarchists, emigrants and sympathizers accompanied his coffin to the Pere-Lachaise Cemetery. His body was cremated, and the urn holding the ashes marked by a name plate. Sources: Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 63, 132, 138 Peters, Victor, Nestor Makhno: The Life of an Anarchist, Echo Books, Winnipeg, 1970 Nestor Makhno [1889 - 1934] 162 25. MOLOTSCHNA BATTLE JUNE 20, 1920 After withdrawal of the German troops in late 1918, civil war raged in Ukraine. The Whites, the Reds, the Makhnovze and other partisans rampaged around the land in dizzying confusion. Sometimes one end of a village would be controlled by one group, the other end by their enemies! In the spring of 1920 the White Army, under the command of General Wrangel, began a new offensive which started in the Crimea and reached the Molotschna by early June. For weeks the battle lined seesawed back and forth in this area, villages repeatedly changing hands. Wrangel, in his memoirs, described some of the battles. On June 10, 1920, there was a lull in the fighting, the Whites consolidating their positions, the Red Army reorganizing and bringing in new recruits. At that point the White Army, holding a line from the Sea of Azov to Waldheim in the Molotschna, consisted of the Second Don Division, then the Don Cossack Division under General Abramov. From Waldheim through Tokmakto Station Popovo on the Dniepr River were the 13th and 34th Infantry Divisions of the Second Army Corps under General Slashchev. Other troops, including the Kuban Cossack and the Kornilov Divisions, held the line along the left bank of the Dniepr back along its course to the delta on the Black Sea. Facing these forces were the various cavalry and infantry divisions of the 13th Red Army. In a few days serious fighting resumed. On June 17 the White Army in the Waldheim sector pulled back under pressure by the Red cavalry under General Zhloba, moving in a south west direction. Zhloba apparently preferred to move his troops at night because of the losses inflicted by White aircraft during the daylight hours. The White pull¬ back, likely a planned ruse to obtain a more strategic position, continued until June 19. By then the main forces of the Red cavalry occupied the south central portion of the Molotschna, including Friedensdorf, Margenau, Tiegerweide, Kleefeld and Alexanderkrone. Total forces of the 1 3th Red Army in the region were 25,000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry. Facing them in a semicircle were various elements of the White Army totalling 15,000 infantry and 6,500 cavalry. At 6 PM on June 19, General Wrangel sent out directives to his generals ordering an offensive to begin against the enemy before dawn on June 20, in the direction of Gnadenfeld. At 5 AM the Second Don Division began the attack, joined by the others by the time the light of dawn broke the horizon. Pressed on all sides, pounded by artillery, strafed by machine guns of White aircraft, the Red Army started to panic. A large portion, at least two divisions under the command of Zhloba, broke through the lines in the direction of Halbstadt and Tokmak. Here they were met by the 13th Infantry Division and the armoured trains, so Zhloba again turned south, where his fleeing cavalry encountered the Drosdovze Division. Finally a full scale retreat of all Red units began in the direction of Chemigovka, with the White cavalry in hot pursuit. Around Hierschau they caught up with the Red rearguard and a battle resulted. After further losses the Red Army retreat continued. Many Red cavalrymen abandoned their exhausted horses and fled on foot, 163 hiding where they could. In all the Whites captured 40 cannons, 200 machine guns, almost 3,000 horses, and took 2,000 prisoners. Meanwhile General Wrangel and his staff, with headquarters in Melitopol, anxiously awaited news from the battlefield. The rumble of the unending artillery fire could easily be heard, yet there was no direct communication with the various units on the field. Finally a new sound appeared, the approaching drone of a propeller. An aircraft skimmed low over the railroad, dropping a note which said, “The enemy has been struck on the head, encircled by our warriors. General Tkechev reports a complete destruction of the enemy.” The following day, on June 21, a church service was held in Melitopol, thanking God for the victory. * * * Many of the Red troops fleeing from the field of battle followed the road through Friedensdorf, Landskrone, Hierschau, then on to Waldheim and Chemigovka. Johann Epp and his sons were working on their fields outside the village of Hierschau on June 20, 1920. They could hear the sounds of the battle in the Rueckenau area, then they saw the retreating Red Army streaming along the road, through Hierschau and Waldheim. First came the artillery, each cannon pulled by four or six horses. Then came the supply wagons and the kitchen. The kitchen consisted of a big barrel of borscht on two large wheels pulled by a camel. Masses of infantry followed, then finally came the cavalry. As mentioned, around Hierschau the White cavalry caught up with the Red rearguard, the Red Army suffering further losses. As the battle proceeded, and then as the Red retreat continued, 15-20 soldiers hid themselves in the Willms bam in Hierschau. As the Whites occupied the village they rode down the street shouting onto each yard to give up any prisoners they had, otherwise it would cost their own lives. A group of Cossacks came riding onto the Willms yard, swords drawn, demanding that the Willms give up anyone hidden there. Hearing this from the hayloft, possibly not wishing their hosts to suffer, the Reds came down onto the yard with their hands up. They, together with other soldiers hidden in the village, were marched off in the direction of Waldheim. The Willms never discovered what happened to these prisoners. After the dust of battle had settled some of the local men were organized to help in Communist Soup Kitchen 164 the cleanup operation. Many Red soldiers had been killed in action, and their bodies had to be disposed of. Crews of men went around the countryside with their wagons, picking up the corpses. Many were found close to horses, probably meaning that they had been in the cavalry, and many also had large scalp lacerations, the common trademark of Cossack swords. When the crew came upon a body, each man would grasp a leg or an arm, and with a “1-2-3-4" they would swing it onto the wagon. When they had six or seven bodies, they would take them to a mass grave which had been dug, and would unload them in a similar manner. Half a dozen bodies commonly shared a grave. No identification was made, and no memorial stones were erected. The men participating in this macabre work now and then did wonder who would be waiting for the return of a loved one, waiting in vain. Sources: Braun, Heinrich, Personal Interview Epp, Peter, Personal Interview Huebert, H. T., Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, pp 250-255 Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 64, 65, 138, 139 Wrangel, P. N., The Memoirs of General Wrangel. The Last Commander-in-Chief of the Russian National Russian Army, Duffield, New York, USA, 1930 Background Information: Map: Molotschna Colony June 20, 1920 165 166 Molotschna Colony June 20, 1920 [Based on a map by General Peter Wrangel] 26. LICHTENAU DEPARTURE JUNE 23, 1924 The day of departure for the first group of emigrants from the Molotschna Colony bound for Canada was set for June 17, 1924. The medical commission, which was to determine the health of the emigrants, had arrived in Halbstadt, so people streamed there to be examined. Family after family was called into the rooms, and when they had finished came out to the yard where they were peppered with questions - “How are you?” “What do they look for?” The results of the examinations could be seen on the faces. They were beaming when the whole family had been declared healthy. Faces were downcast in many an instance when a family member was declared to have the eye disease trachoma, especially if all belongings had already been sold in anticipation of departure. Those declared healthy then proceeded with liquidation of all remaining property, that which was left after the revolution and the following civil war. Prices were low, in part because of an anticipated poor crop. There had been a long drought with very high temperatures, up to 40°Celsius in the shade. That which was to be taken to the new home in Canada was packed. Food for the trip within Russia was prepared. Necessary documents were obtained, such as exit permits, visas, certificates of church membership, medical certificates, with the required fees being paid. When everything was prepared it remained only to await the day of departure, and to say farewell to friends and relatives who were staying behind. There was time to contemplate the past, the sad events, the struggle for very existence, the repeated disappointments. Some felt that these had been definite signs given by God signifying that it was time to move on. Was it possible that the planned departure on June 1 7 could be delayed, or even cancelled? The way things had gone in Russia this was a definite possibility! Suddenly the anticipated disappointment became a reality. Departure would be delayed one week. Why the delay? “The government is checking the emigration lists,” was the unsettling answer. “Only a technicality,” said others, “the men of military age have to be released... only a formality!” Be that as it may, somewhere, out of the control of the emigrants, events were happening which impacted directly on each one. Then suddenly the order came. Sunday [June 22] at noon, all emigrants must be at the train station in Lichtenau. In one hour all remaining arrangements were made. Relatives and neighbours staying behind collected on the farmyards to say their farewells. The wagons required to go to the train station were ready. Farewells were more difficult than expected, and tended to go on and on. Finally, with iron resolve, the travellers got onto the wagons and prepared for departure. They pulled off the yards and proceeded onto the village streets, then out along the roads. On many yards scarves were waved in final farewell, and here and there tears were wiped away. Once actually on the road the travellers noticed that it was a beautiful Sunday morning; there was an expectant joy in the air. Even before arrival at the station most emigrants had been divided into train car 167 groups. Each group then elected a representative. A “Train Committee” of three had been established. To these were added a CPR [Canadian Pacific Railway] representative and a member of the VBHH [Verband der Buerger Hollaendischer Herkunft ], who was a teacher from Tiegenhagen, J. J. Thiessen. He would accompany the group to the Russian border. The “Train Committee,” these representatives, and the train car representatives constituted the “Train Administration.” Every train car group, for a few rubles, had its freight car washed clean. The train was actually to leave on Monday, June 23. Those who lived nearby stayed the last night with their loved ones, those from far away stayed with acquaintances in Lichtenau or Blumstein, others bunked overnight in the train cars. Monday, June 23, the whole crowd of emigrants gathered at the railroad station in Lichtenau. Over 1 , 1 00 people were leaving, but those saying farewell were many more than that! Several church choirs had come to sing a farewell, but were prevented from carrying out their plans by the authorities. One departing person wrote “Now it is time to bid adieu and leave one’s hearth, village, customs, relatives and friends. People took leave of one another. Even the strong wept, some sobbed. Perhaps not all were aware of the significance of the day, but a deep seriousness was written on all faces. Parting is painful.” It was time for the train to leave. Songs wafted from a few cars. When the train finally started to move the whole crowd, as if on cue, sang one last song to those departing. Friendly words were shouted back and forth “Good bye. Come after us!” “Reunion in eternity!” Scarves were waved until the train disappeared down the track. Once departed, the dreams of the emigrants seemed to be approaching reality. A plan was finally working out! Now to the business at hand. It was rumoured that it was best to change rubles to American dollars. In Melitopol and Tokmak the exchange rate had been 1 dollar for 1.25 and up to 1.50 rubles. Now in Lichtenau speculators had driven up the price to 1 .94. At some of the stations along the way it was even higher, for example 2.3 in Polotsk. Later at the border, the official exchange was actually 1 dollar for 2 rubles. The trip through Russia went very well. The travellers, especially the young people, had time to observe and compare the landscape in the various regions - the forests, rivers, cities and villages. The only complaint was about the long station stops. The emigrants had taken along their own provisions, with hot water for tea being provided at the stations, as much as they wanted. Some of the stops were so long that the families could actually cook their meals on the platforms! The train travelled through Alexandrovsk[Zaporozhye], Kursk, Orel, Smolensk, Vitebsk[Vicebsk], Polotsk[Polack], then finally approached the Russian border at Sebej[Sebez]. The wait at Sebej was about 24 hours. Most of the time was taken to complete the final emigration lists, after that the passes were checked. Then the baggage was inspected. Some people feared that they had taken along too much, but the customs officials, though thorough, were not particularly strict. The night of June 29 to 30 the train passed the Russian border into Latvia, stopping at Zilupe. The strange uniforms of the officials, the different language, and the peculiar writing on the signs showed them that they were in a foreign country. Many who had gone 168 through difficult experiences in their former homes could now finally breathe a sigh of relief! Early in the morning, in the open air, a service of thanks to God was held, expressing gratefulness for his merciful leading. With joyful hearts the group sang “Nun danket alle Gott ” [Now Thank We All Our God], The day was overcast, with a fine drizzle, and cool. All emigrants had to transfer to a Latvian train, which was also a freight train. There were only two differences. The cars were dirty, since they had not been washed out, and there were only 40 cars instead of the previous 50. Ten car groups therefore had to be dissolved, with the travellers joining other groups. Understandably this led to some inconveniences. In Zilupe the Latvian officials confiscated ladders, axes, hammers and other such tools [considered to be weapons?] which the emigrants had hoped to use in their new home country. From Zilupe the train travelled to Rezekne [Ryejitsa] on June 30. This was actually the first official Latvian border post, and here the emigrants were detained for one and a half days. The baggage was treated for several hours in a disinfection room. Most people moved out of the train and spent the night in some barracks. The CPR officials prepared their final lists of passengers, boarding passes were distributed for the steamship Marglen, and the landing passes were issued for Quebec City. Everyone over eight years of age had to sign their own cards - for the children that were younger the parents could sign. A number of people used the stay in Rezekne as an opportunity to go shopping. The city itself was a few kilometres from the station. Those who went bought clothing and footwear, at very reasonable prices. Good shoes cost $3.00 to $3.50, excellent boots were only $5.00. On July 2 the train continued in the direction of Riga. The CPR had promised to supply the passengers with food between Rezekne and Libau. In Rezekne there was plenty of rye bread, but after that the arrangements were not satisfactory. In most stations there was not even enough hot water for tea! The group noticed that the train did not stop for any length of time in the larger cities, such as Riga, but then waited for long periods at insignificant stops. July 3, without serious mishap, the train arrived in the port city of Libau [Liepaja], The travellers had to unload their baggage immediately, and label the packages appropriately. They took their hand luggage with them as they boarded the S. S. Marglen, while the larger pieces were loaded using large nets lifted by cranes. Some of the boxes were unceremoniously dumped into the hold [nicht eben sanft in dem Rumpf des Schiffes befoerdert...]. Later it was discovered that many of the larger boxes had been smashed. That same day, before evening, the Marglen left port, being helped by three tug boats. It then steamed of into the Baltic in a south west direction. Some of the women and children were in clean cabins, but most families had to sleep on the lower deck. That evening many people actually sat on the upper deck, discussing their new experiences and watching the shipping. In time, though, everyone went off to bed. The following day the Marglen passed the islands of Bornholm and Ruegen, and on the morning of July 5 reached the Kaiser Wilhelm [Kiel] Canal. On the passage through the canal it was quite easy for the travellers to make comparisons, the German, as contrasted to the Russian countryside. German circumstances certainly looked to be much better. Having passed through the Kiel Canal the Marglen headed into the North Sea, where 169 the waves were considerably higher. A little rocking of the ship was enough to induce sea¬ sickness for some, although most passengers were quite well throughout. They passed the island of Helgoland, then went up the Dutch coast to the Schelde Delta, then up a large branch to Antwerp. While on board passengers were periodically subjected to medical examinations. Almost daily, sometimes in the open air on the upper deck or in the second class dining room, there were church services. Leaders were Ministers Jakob P. Friesen, Jakob P. Wiens, Peter F. Goertzen and Elder Heinrich Martens. One evening there was even a musical program organized by conductor Gerhard J. Enns. When the Marglen arrived in Antwerp on July 7, and the passengers saw the ocean liner on which they were to travel, they were disappointed. The Marglen was a 1 0,3 1 9 ton vessel, the S. S. Minnedosa, their proposed ocean liner, was only marginally larger at 13,972 tons. With the wind and waves anticipated for the North Atlantic it was expected that most of the travellers would succumb to sea-sickness. Early on July 8 the transfer of baggage and the resettling of passengers began. Before the emigrants could board the Minnedosa , however, a new thorough medical examination was required [by now one would have reason to believe that the medical authorities did not know exactly what they were looking for]. The result was that 64 people had to remain under quarantine in Antwerp, while the others could proceed. After the medical examinations a certain limited number of people were allowed to go into the city of Antwerp to shop. This was an excellent opportunity, for, while prices were not as low as in Rezekne, they were not as high as they were later to be found in Canada. On July 9 the Minnedosa weighed anchor, and by 10 AM the voyage had begun. The first stop was at Southampton, where the ship arrived the night of June 9-10. Continuing on the 10th the next port of call was Cherbourg in France, where the CPR representative left the ship. He was a former Russian estate owner named Mr. Pickel, who had accompanied the group since the port of Libau. The actual ocean voyage began after Cherbourg. Some found it to be frightfully long and exceedingly boring, punctuated largely by sea-sickness. Others were perfectly healthy throughout, and lost neither their good mood nor their appetites. Again on the Minnedosa the emigrants held regular church services, and also again t i Canadian Pacific ocean liner S. S. Minnedosa 170 the endless medicals examinations were carried on, especially for those people noted as questionable on the Halbstadt lists. At first the ship followed the warm Gulf Stream, but then came to the cooler Labrador Current. There the passengers were amazed to see huge animals in the water - they shot steam and water into the air, showing head, rump, and occasionally the whole body. The local wisdom of the group was that they had seen whales, an opinion confirmed by the crew. On the evening of July 1 7 the Minnedosa docked in Quebec City. The lights of the city and harbour were beautiful. A number of North American Mennonites greeted the new arrivals, P. P. Epp of Morden, J. Elias of Rosthem and C. Coffman. The following day, Friday, July 1 8, the immigrants left the ship and were transferred onto trains. This time the trains provided by the CPR did not consist of freight cars, but regular passenger cars, considered to be a luxury by the weary travellers. The usual medical examinations that preceded departure meant that 50-60 people were detained in Quebec, but the rest continued on into Canada, accompanied by the hosts who had greeted them. Most of this initial group of immigrants from the Molotschna went to Ontario, 52 to Vineland and the rest to the Waterloo area, with a smaller number going to western Canada. Saturday, July 19, the largest contingent arrived in Waterloo. Many people had arrived at the station to see the “Russians” arrive. The immigrants were taken, together with their hand luggage, to the yard of a local Mennonite church. Here, to help in the recovery from the long journey, they were given a meal, coffee, baked goods, meat and cheese. A platform had been set up in the middle of the yard. Members of the local arrangements committee greeted the newcomers, while ministers Jakob Friesen and Jakob Wiens thanked their hosts for the help, for sharing of the discomfort of their Russian brethren. They pointed out that God had been gracious and had led the way; they had perceived his nearness throughout the whole trip. The local committee then reminded the hosts and the immigrants of their obligations, mentioning the guidelines which were expected to be followed. Then hosts and guests, as prescribed in previously prepared lists, met, and the immigrants were taken to their new homes. Newspaper reports gave the number of immigrants settling in Ontario at 1 ,083, with 101 travelling further west, largely because they had close relatives living there. Sources: Epp, Frank H., Mennonite Exodus, Canadian Mennonite Relief and Immigration Council, Altona, Canada, 1962, pp 150-153 News Report, Der Mennonitische Immigranten-Bote [Der Bote], 27 August 1924, pp 1, 2, 3 and continued 3 September 1924, pp 1, 2, 3. This is the principal source used to describe the trip. Name of the writer is not given, nor the home village in the Molotschna Toews, David, Nachrichten ueber die Einwanderung, Letter, Mennonitische Rundschau 20 August 1924, p 10 Toews, J. B., Lost Fatherland, Herald Press, Scottdale, USA, 1967, pp 162-165 171 Background Information: Behind the Scenes Map: The First Molotschna Group Travel in the USSR Map: The First Molotschna Group Travel by Sea Benjamin B. Janz David Toews Emigration of Mennonites from the Soviet Union Trachoma Canadian Pacific Ships BEHIND THE SCENES Unknown to most of the travellers, there had been a great flurry of activity both in the Soviet Union and Canada, to make this trip possible. There was a trickle of escapees from the Soviet Union in the early 1 920s, but attempts were now being made to allow a more large scale emigration. For this purpose the VBHH [ Verband der Buerger Hollanischer Herkunft - Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage], with the very active and dedicated chairman B. B. Janz, convinced the authorities that the Mennonite colonies could better recover from the deprivation of civil war if the excess poor population would be allowed to emigrate. Under this supposition lists of potential candidates were made, and the efforts to migrate were initiated. Negotiations were complicated by the dual, and sometimes competing interests of the central government in Moscow, and the regional officials in Kharkov. Janz was a master diplomat, and exceedingly persistent. Finally some of the arrangements came to fruition. A group had left Chortitza in 1 923 , so now the pressure was mounting to also have departures from the Molotschna. With many intricate and delicate negotiations departure of the first group was originally planned for June 1 7, then finally allowed on June 23, 1924. In the meantime, following the dealings of 1923, arrangements were being made with the CPR in Canada to negotiate a second contract for 1924. Eventually the contract called for 5,000 credit passengers to be allowed into Canada, and 2,000 cash passengers. Considering the delinquent Reiseschuld [Travel debt] payments and poor crop prospects, this was later downgraded to 4,000, which, however, was exceeded by 1,048. Negotiators for the Mennonite Board of Colonization were David Toews, E. S. Hallman and A. A. Friesen. The greatest miracle of the migration was that the Soviet negotiations, the long trip, and the Canadian arrangements actually combined to bring thousands of Mennonites to Canada in such an hour of need. Sources: Epp, Frank H., Mennonite Exodus, Canadian Mennonite Relief and Immigration Council Altona, Canada, 1962, pp 150-153 Toews, J. B., Lost Fatherland, Herald Press, Scottdale, USA, 1967, pp 162-165 172 173 The First Molotschna Group Travel in the USSR 174 The First Molotschna Group Travel by Sea BENJAMIN B. JANZ [1877- 1964] The Russian Negotiator Benj amin Benjamin Janz was bom in Konteniusfeld, Molotschna Colony on September 25, 1 877, the first of seven children of Benjamin and Helene [Penner] Janz. His siblings were Heinrich [died at age of seven], Margaretha, Jakob, Maria, another Heinrich [died at age of one] and Helena, all of whom were also bom in Konteniusfeld. The parents were poor, having purchased a small farm and windmill, and needed to borrow horses and implements to plant the first crop. To supplement the farm income father Benjamin worked as a carpenter in the surrounding villages. Benjamin completed the village school, then went to Zentralschule in Gnadenfeld from 1892-1895. His father likely decided that Benjamin’s “delicate and fragile physique” would not allow him to operate the family farm and mill in any case. Benjamin’s teacher had been impressed by his academic abilities, so when a loan of 150 rubles per year became available, he could afford to attend. Despite sharing a room with a dozen students Benjamin was able to concentrate on his studies. During his time in Gnadenfeld he decided on a career of teaching. Father Benjamin, however, decided that further education was not necessary, so the young Benjamin did what was allowed. He could teach the elementary grades in village schools without having attended teachers’ college. In the summer of 1 896 he accepted a teaching position in Yalantusch, Crimea. In the meantime Benjamin had been struggling in his spiritual life. He read and studied the scriptures with increasing frustration, but eventually on January 1 9, 1 897, was able to grasp the truth of salvation. This came partly through the words written in Isaiah 43, also through the advice of his host Heinrich Dueck and through prayer. Baptism by immersion was a thorny question in the Janz household, but despite parental opposition Benjamin was baptized in the Juschanlee River on August 8, 1 897, and joined the Mennonite Brethren Church. Janz saw the Mennonite Brethren as being a voluntary body of believers, practicing radical ethics, using strong discipline, emphasizing study of, and acceptance of scripture, including such beliefs as non-resistance. After his baptism he became actively involved in the Sparrau congregation, joining the choir, helping in the Sunday school, and eventually preaching. Through additional studies Janz in time obtained his certificate as teacher. In 1900 he accepted a position as tutor on a large estate near Kleefeld, then after three years he became the principal of the village school in Sparrau. While at a teachers’ conference in the Memrik Colony Benjamin was introduced to Maria Rogalsky; the couple married on September 25, 1905. They had six children: Peter [1906], Helena [1908], Gertruda [1909], Maria [1910], Jakob [1912] and Martha [1920]. Wife Maria, throughout their married life, was a “quiet, patient, praying, concerned and active support.” In 1908 Janz accepted a new teaching position in Tiege. He again became active in the local Mennonite Brethren congregation. His ministry was well accepted, resulting in his ordination as minister on September 25, 1 909, and his election as leader of the Mennonite Brethren congregation in Tiege. Benjamin B. Janz in 1914 When World War I broke out Janz, as a conscientious 175 objector, was drafted into the non-combatant alternative service, the Forstei. He was stationed at the Alt Berdyansk Forestry Station, where he was a supervisor and also functioned as a chaplain. In 1917, after Russia had lost the war, he returned to his work in Tiege as teacher and minister. Because of the difficult circumstances he suffered ill health from overwork, but in time gradually recovered. After the civil war and the final victory of the Bolsheviks, Mennonite young men, who traditionally could perform alternate non-combatant service, were drafted into the Red Army. At an All-Mennonite conference held in Alexanderwohl, Molotschna, on February 19, 1921, the Verband der Mennoniten Sued-Russ lands [VMSR] [Union of South Russian Mennonites] was established in an effort to help the situation. Janz was elected chairman, but only accepted after those present unanimously accepted the principle of non-resistance. This was the start of Janz's “career” of negotiating with officialdom. He developed a strategy which in times of crisis served him and the Mennonite constituency well. He remained unobtrusive; he dealt only with the highest levels of government, if necessary waiting for days for a high level interview; he negotiated with as many government departments as possible, allowing the ones favouring his cause to convince the opponents; he gave out as little information as possible, so that colleagues would not disrupt his carefully laid plans. Janz then set to work to assure the legal status of the VMSR. Eventually it was suggested by a government official that the name “Mennonite” needed to be eliminated, so it was changed to Verband der Buerger Hollandischer Herkunft [VBHH] [Union of Citizens of Dutch Lineage], Ratification of its charter was of great significance, allowing the Mennonites to continue to function as a national minority. While the attempts to prevent the draft of Mennonite young men was not particularly successful, other fields of action soon became apparent. During the time of desperate famine in 1921 and 1922, Janz helped men such as Alvin J. Miller to negotiate for the American Mennonite Relief [later the MCC], with both the Moscow and the Kharkov governments. Eventually this allowed food, clothing and even tractors to alleviate the situation in the Mennonite colonies. At the same time he negotiated with various Soviet officials for the reconstruction of the devastated Mennonite communities. A strategy linked to this was that the poor needed to be siphoned off, to emigrate out of the country, to allow this reconstruction to proceed. Thus began the protracted and exceedingly complicated series of negotiations with the Moscow and the Kharkov governments which eventually allowed thousands of Mennonites to emigrate [a total of about 26,000, of which 22,500 in time reached Canada]. It should be pointed out that often Janz was not alone in his struggles; men such as P. F. Froese, C. F. Klassen and B. H. Unruh also played significant roles. In 1 926 Janz had the feeling that his usefulness as negotiator was coming to an end, and that he had legitimate concerns regarding his own personal safety. He officially resigned as chairman of the VBHH on March 1 1, 1926, and was replaced by H. F. Dyck of Halbstadt. On May 14 he took leave at the Kommission Fuer Kirchenangelegenheiten [KfK] [Commission for Church Affairs] meeting in Margenau. May 24 he said farewell to his own Mennonite Brethren Church in Tiege. Fearing that despite official permission [he was granted an exit visa on April 24] he would not be allowed to leave, Janz had special agents purchase his railroad tickets and carry his baggage to the train. His journey went without mishap, and he crossed over to Latvia on June 4. His family followed [son Peter had preceded them and was already in Canada], as did his parents, although his father was detained for some months in Atlantic Park, England, because of trachoma. The Janz family at first resided in Winnipeg, but after a letter from the Department of Immigration asking Benjamin to settle on a farm, they moved to Coaldale, Alberta. The teacher then had to become a farmer. He purchased land on long term credit, eventually moved a small cottage onto their property, and began life in the new country. 176 Janz continued his efforts on behalf of the Russian immigrants, for example travelling to the Mennonite Brethren churches in the United States in March, 1 927, to appeal for funds to help the sick and ailing newcomers. He also helped the Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization and Immigration to liquidate the debt owed the Canadian Pacific Railway. The Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church was founded on May 23, 1926, largely by immigrants. In the summer of 1 928 Janz was asked by the church to negotiate a loan, to attend the General Conference, and to spend two months on deputation work. In September Elder Frank Friesen resigned as leader of the church, and Janz was elected to succeed him for an indefinite period. Two weeks later the building of a new church began, with official dedication of the new sanctuary on January 27, 1929. A more serious problem facing Janz was the spiritual integration of the congregation. They were all Mennonite Brethren, but from widely diverse areas of the Soviet Union, with various usages and customs. The congregation was fiercely democratic, and evaluated its leadership on a yearly basis - it admonished, legislated and occasionally humiliated its shepherds. Janz continued as leader until 1948. Seeing a need for Mennonite young people to be prepared to enter secular society, Janz became instrumental in founding the Coaldale Bible School [1929] and the Alberta Mennonite High School [1946] in Coaldale, and the Mennonite Brethren Bible College [1944] in Winnipeg. As war with Germany seemed to be more and more likely Janz tried to prepare the way for Mennonite young men to be involved in some type of alternate service. In this regard he was frustrated, for some Mennonite groups wanted absolutely nothing to do with any service to the government. When World War II did break out he was able to negotiate some accommodation for conscientious objectors. His most significant work, however, was probably in counselling, particularly through his friendly and personal letters to all who requested his help. After World War II Janz was asked to minister in South America, in Paraguay and Brazil, on a mission consisting largely of reconciliation. From February to September in 1947 he preached, cajoled and confronted in an effort to bring forgiveness and unity to the churches, particularly the Mennonite Brethren. Janz, throughout his life, maintained a wide correspondence “admonishing, correcting, and encouraging.” His interests and concerns were broad, and he was direct and articulate in the expression of these concerns. He was also directly involved with many boards and committees at all levels of church governance. Janz was, for example, a member of the Board of Reference and Counsel and the Board of Welfare and Public Relations of the Mennonite Brethren General Conference, and of similar boards on the Canadian and Alberta conferences. His involvement was ecumenical, attested to by his work with the Mennonite Central Committee and the Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization and Immigration. In time age and health caught up with even the B. B. Janz family. In 1945, partly because 4?. B. B. Janz writing his memoirs 177 of the health of his wife Maria, they retired to a modest cottage just north of Coaldale. Maria’s health wavered, but suddenly in 1953 her high blood pressure led to a heart attack. She died October 13, at 4:30 PM. Starting in 1952 Benjamin’s own health took a turn for the worse, beginning with an appendectomy. He recovered to some degree, and resumed his correspondence as well as his attendance at conferences, but in 1957 he had a “recurrence of an old malady.” He did manage to get to the forty-seventh General Conference of the Mennonite Brethren Church of North America held in Yarrow in 1957. He expressed the wish to retire from public service; he was eighty years old and his health was deteriorating. The Conference thanked him for his long and faithful sendee. In subsequent years Janz attended conferences as he was able to, but his plans were often disrupted by hospital admissions and occasionally operations. Towards the end of 1962 it became obvious that he could not manage alone, so he accepted his daughter’s invitation to move to Abbotsford, British Columbia, to stay with her. In time, needing specialized care, he was admitted to the Menno Private Hospital in November, 1 963 . Gradually the body deteriorated, leaving Janz frustrated at not being able to participate in the mainstream of Mennonite life. On October 14, 1964, he was visited by H. F. Klassen, and sent greetings to all his friends and acquaintances. His struggles ceased when he died October 16, 1964 at 1:30 AM. He had been predeceased by his wife Maria, and his eldest son Peter who died tragically in an automobile accident in 1957. The funeral was held in the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church on October 20. People from all over Alberta and beyond attended; many old friends came to pay their last respects. The service was led by David Pankratz, leader of the Coaldale congregation. Granddaughter Viola Wiens was organist, the German radio choir sang. Five ministers and a deacon were pallbearers. Sermons were delivered by Elder P. Schellenberg of the Coaldale Mennonite Church, J. A. Toews, faculty member at the Mennonite Brethren Bible College, Elder J. J. Thiessen of Saskatoon, and David Pankratz. The obituary was read by son-in-law David Wiens. Various board representatives made presentations. G. H. Sukkau of the Mennonite Brethren Board of General Welfare summarized ,“His unwavering interest in the spiritual and also physical welfare of his fellow man, of his Mennonite community, and particularly the Mennonite Brethren made a deep impression on us.” D. K. Duerksen, Canadian Conference secretary, echoed the same sentiments “We are thankful to our heavenly father for the service that B. B. Janz has rendered to our conference and the whole Mennonite community. He may now rest from his labours, and now gazes upon him in whom he believed and trusted.” Benjamin Benjamin Janz was buried in the cemetery behind the Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church. Jakob Siemens, long time assistant of Janz at the Coaldale church, delivered a brief message and prayed at the grave side. The sentiments of many present at the funeral will certainly have echoed the words of Janz’s friend A. A. Wiens when he wrote “In the darkest hours of our Mennonites in Russia, God gave us the man to rescue us, the recently departed B. B. Janz. The choice was God’s, and to many he became the one who rescued them in the time of great need.” Sources: Coaldale Mennonite Brethren Church Fiftieth Anniversary Book, 1926-1976, p 40 Dick, B. J., Prediger B. B. Jam , Mennonitische Rundschau, 4 November 1964, pp 1, 4, 5 Epp, Frank H., Mennonite Exodus , Canadian Mennonite Relief and Immigration Council, Altona, Canada, 1962, many references, pp 39-435 Mennonite Encyclopedia [Volume V] 178 News Report, Mennonitische Rundschau, 21 October 1964, p 1 News Report, Mennonitische Rundschau, 28 October 1964, p 1 Thiessen, Richard, Winnipeg, Canada, Janz Family Tree Toews, J. A., pp 108, 1 1 1, 1 19, 120, 166, 208, 266, 277, 292, 311, 327, 341, 354, 355, 384 388, 423 Toews, John B., Lost Fatherland, Herald Press, Scottdale, USA, 1967, pp 51-195 Toews, John B., With Courage to Spare. The Life ofB. B. Janz [1877-1964], The Board of Christian Literature of the General Conference of the Mennonite Brethren Churches of North America, Hillsboro, USA, and Winnipeg, Canada, 1967, pp 1-185 Wiens, A. A., Nachruf meinem lieben Lehrer, Freund und Mitarbeiter, B. B. Janz, Mennonitische Rundschau, 1 1 November 1964, p 2 , 1 8 November 1964, p 2 and 25 November 1964, p 2 The memoirs which B. B. Janz was working on, and was even photographed writing, have apparently never been completed. 179 DAVID TOEWS [1870- 1947] The Canadian Negotiator David Toews was bom on February 9, 1 870, in Lysanderhoeh, Am Trakt Colony, in Russia. He was the fifth of eight children of Jakob and Marie [Wiebe] Toews. Jakob and Marie had moved to Russia from the Marienburger Werder of West Prussia in 1 869. When David was ten years of age his father, a minister, was convinced that Klaas Epp’s interpretation of the end times was correct, and embarked with Epp on a long trek to central Asia to the place where Christ was to meet his followers. After four years of severe hardships in Turkestan the Toews family joined with other disillusioned people to leave the ever more fanatical Epp. Twenty families, via Saratov, Moscow, Smolensk, Berlin and an ocean voyage, emigrated to Newton, Kansas. David completed public school, graduated from highschool, then studied at the Halstead Seminary near Newton. His dreams were fulfilled when he obtained a teaching position. He taught in Elbing and Whitewater near Newton, and in Newton itself. He then continued his studies at Halstead, where he graduated in 1 893 . David really wanted further education at the newly established Bethel College in Newton. A letter from H. H. Ewert, who had been his teacher in Halstead, instead invited David to the adventure of heading north to teach at Gretna, Manitoba. Here he taught in public schools a number of years, boarding with the Ewert family, then attended Wesley College in Winnipeg, followed by Normal School. After that he taught one year at Burwalde, near Winkler. Being ever more the pioneer, he moved to Tiefengrund, Saskatchewan, in 1898, as homesteader and teacher. In Tiefengrund David met the nineteen year old Margaret Friesen. They were married on September 20, 1900, and settled on the homestead. The couple had a total of nine children, Marie, Benno, Margaretha, Elsa, Dora, Louise, Elma, Anna and Irene [eight girls and one boy]. In 1888 David had been baptized upon his faith at Newton, by his father. He was ordained as minister in Tiefengrund on August 18, 1901. He took his faith and his responsibilities very seriously. One bitterly cold day he was supposed to preach in a school about five miles from his home. Unable to obtain a team of horses he walked through the storm. Upon arriving he found no one there, but a note on the blackboard announced “There will be no service because the minister cannot come.” David added a few words “David Toews was here.” Then he walked home again. In 1913 he was ordained as elder of the large Rosenort congregation, retaining the position until he retired in 1 946. The government and the CPR officials called him “Bishop” although he was never given that title by the church. From 1914 to 1935, then again from 1937 to 1940 he was chairman of the Conference of Mennonites in Canada, and for many years held a great variety of executive positions. From 1901 to 1904 Toews taught school in Eigenheim, but always with a feeling that there needed to be further education for Christian young David Toews [1870 - 1947] 180 people in the area. These dreams came to fruition, with Toews playing a significant role, when the German-English Academy was established in Rosthem. Opening of the school was held on November 14, 1905, with 24 students the first year. Herman Fast was the first teacher, but within a year Toews joined the staff, continuing as teacher until 1917. He was not only a teacher, but also the chief fund raiser. New facilities were desperately needed for the school. A new two story red brick building was dedicated in 1910, funds largely derived by the personal efforts of Toews. In 1946 the name of the school was changed to Rosthem Junior College. When World War I broke out in 1914 David had an additional burden to deal with - the problem of non-resistant Mennonites in a country at war. He advised many young men on the proper Christian course of action, he wrote articles explaining the principle and spoke at public meetings. His position made him some fierce enemies in the surrounding community. Those with a heavy work load often experience the joy of having further challenges thrust upon them. Three delegates sent from the USSR asked for initiation of arrangements for a large number of Mennonites to leave the Soviet Union, and to possibly settle in Canada. After a series of meetings David was elected chairman and chief executive officer of the newly formed Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization, with Rosthem designated the administrative centre. With this appointment began a long and arduous task. David’s negotiations included direct meetings with Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King in Ottawa, who helped rescind the order-in-council prohibiting Mennonite immigration. He also became well acquainted with Colonel J. S. Dennis, Chief Commissioner, Department of Colonization and Development of the Canadian Pacific Railway, with whom he eventually worked out agreements which would allow a large number of Mennonites to come to Canada on credit. July 21, 1923, was a great day when a long passenger train pulled into Rosthem with the first group of 700 immigrants. Through the negotiations of David Toews and those working with him, also through the tireless work of B. B. Janz and others in the Soviet Union, about 22,500 Mennonite refugees were able to come to Canada in the 1920s. After the migration was complete the debt [ Reiseschuld] owed the Canadian Pacific Railway still had to be paid off. Total credit advanced by January 1, 1 93 1 , including principal and interest was $ 1 ,924,727. A total of $884,000 had been paid, leaving a balance of $ 1 ,040,727. Most refugees, despite the difficult times during the depression, tried as hard as they could to pay their share. Gathering funds was a personal crusade for David, since he in good faith had negotiated the loan in a time of need. The work of collecting for the debt eventually was taken up by others, and on November 19, 1946 he could be told that it was paid in full. A number of personal events affected the life of David Toews. In 1926 tragedy struck the Toews family. One December morning fire broke out in their home, and all escaped except the five year old Irene. She was so burned before she was rescued by David that she died the following day. In the attempt to save Irene, David himself was also injured, and had to be hospitalized. He was still there four days later when Irene was buried. David Toews, together with C. F. Klassen, travelled to the second Mennonite World Relief Conference, held in Danzig in 1 930. He himself delivered two lectures dealing with the emigration of the Mennonites from Russia. He also attended the next world conference held in Amsterdam in 1936, again with C. F. Klassen. His topic on this occasion was “The Mennonites in Canada in History and at the Present Time.” In 1937 David Toews achieved something that he had long desired, but in a different way. When he had left for Canada his intentions were to return to Bethel College in Newton for further studies. Bethel College now conferred on him an honorary Doctor of Divinity degree in recognition of his many years of selfless service to the Mennonite community. By the 1940s David Toews was a tired man. He had problems with deafness, kidney 181 ailments and diabetes. His wife Margaret died from cancer on July 14, 1941, leaving him very lonely. She had always been the centre of family activities, especially when David had been away on his many trips. In 1946 David’s health was failing rapidly, to the extent that he was hospitalized for some periods. In February, 1947, he suffered a stroke, and he died on Tuesday, February 25, in his own home in Rosthem. In his funeral address J. J. Thiessen, close friend of David’s and at that time moderator of the Conference of Mennonites, gave a good summary of the contribution of this Canadian negotiator. “Because of his tolerant attitude he enjoyed the confidence of other Mennonite denominations, which was particularly meaningful, as the resettlement of the Russian Mennonites was planned and executed. ..many supported him with their prayers, gifts and hospitality.. .Leadership in immigration and the liquidation of the Reiseschuld as well as other tasks connected with his work brought him many a sleepless night, much work, and heavy burdens, but also a deep satisfaction.” No wonder David Toews was called the “Moses of the Mennonites.” Sources: Dyck, Cornelius, J., Twelve Becoming, Faith and Life Press, Newton, USA, 1973, Chapter Five, David Toews, 1870-1947, pp 51-60 Epp, Frank H., Mennonite Exodus , Canadian Mennonite Relief and Immigration Council, Altona, Canada, 1962, many references, pp 60-481 Friesen, Helene Sarah, David Toews: A Brief Sketch of His Life and Work, 1870-1947 , Mennonite Heritage Centre, Winnipeg, Canada, 1997, pp 1-16 Lohrenz, Gerhard, Heritage Remembered, CMBC Publications, Winnipeg, Canada, 1974, p 192 Mennonite Encyclopedia Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 53, 75, 78 Springer, Nelson P., and Klassen, A. J., Mennonite Bibliography 1631-1961, Herald Press, Scottdale, USA, and Kitchener, Canada, 1977, p 28 182 EMIGRATION OF MENNONITES FROM THE SOVIET UNION In the 1920s and Early 1930s YEAR Escaping prior to CREDIT PASSENGERS CASH PASSENGERS TOTAL 1923, many as fleeing soldiers About 500 1923 2,759 - 2,759 1924 3,894 1,154 5,048 1924-26 Mexico - - About 500 1925 2,171 1,601 3,772 1926 2,479 3,461 5,940 1927 340 507 847 1928 408 103 511 1929 1,009 10 1,019 1930 1929-32 via 294 11 305 camps in Germany 1930-33 via About 4,000 Harbin, China - - About 800 TOTAL TOTAL TO CANADA [directly or indirectly] 13,354 6,847 About 26,000 About 22,500 Sources: Epp, Frank H., Mennonite Exodus , Canadian Mennonite Relief and Immigration Council, Altona, Canada, 1962, p 282 Huebert, H. T., Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life , Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, p 288 183 TRACHOMA Trachoma was the single most common disease which complicated the emigration of Mennonites from Russia to Canada. At the time of emigration there was no known effective cure for the condition. Trachoma is a chronic inflammatory disease of the eye caused by Chlamydia trachomatis , an organism in character somewhere between bacteria and virus. The disease occurs especially in crowded circumstances, with poor sanitation, being transmitted by personal contact with infected eye secretions or by the common use of towels. It is almost universal in the Middle East [especially in Egypt], and has spread to Asia including India, Africa as well as Central and South America. It is one of the oldest diseases known to man, and the largest single cause of blindness in the world. In trachoma the conjunctiva [the lining inside the eyelids and over the white of the eye] becomes thickened and roughened. Later little lumps, like grains of sand, appear, and scars form. This may cause the eyelids to buckle, especially the upper one. The condition may also spread to the cornea [the clear part of the eye over the iris and pupil], causing blood vessels and scarring to grow in. Both the deformity of the eyelids and the corneal involvement may cause blindness. In 1957 the trachoma organism was first grown in the laboratory, allowing study and development of treatment modalities. Sulfa drugs are curative for this condition as well as some antibiotics. Tetracycline and erythromycin may be used orally [pills, by mouth] or topically [ointment], often requiring up to 1 8 months of treatment. The only treatment available in the 1 920s was prevention, such as improved sanitation, and strict quarantine [especially prohibiting the use of common towels]. One can certainly understand the reluctance of the Canadian government to accept immigrants with active trachoma at that time. Surgery would consist of removing the deforming scar tissue from the eyelid ’ but it was definitely not a cure for the disease. Sources: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th Edition, Macro, 7, p 118; Micro, X, p 80 Wilson, Louis A., Editor, External Diseases of the Eye, Harper and Row, Hagerstown, USA, 1979, pp 64-69. Apparently there have been few new developments since that time 184 CANADIAN PACIFIC SHIPS Most of the emigrants from the USSR to Canada in the 1920s travelled by arrangements made with Canadian Pacific. The first group to leave the Molotschna actually boarded ship in Libau, Latvia, and disembarked in Quebec City, having spent the entire time on Canadian Pacific vessels. The group boarded the S. S. Marglen on July 2, 1924, and going through the Kiel Canal landed in Antwerp on July 7. This ship was built by Harland & Wolff Ltd., of Belfast. She was 10,3 19 gross tons, 515 feet long, 60 feet wide. There was one funnel and two masts. Her speed was 14 knots. She had been launched May 7, 1 899 as the Statendam for the Holland America Line. In 191 1 she was acquired by the Allan Line, being renamed Scotian, and was used as a troop ship in 1914. In 1915 Canadian Pacific bought the vessel, refurbishing the cabins and engines in 1920. There were 304 cabin and 542 third class berths. On November 16, 1922 she was renamed the S. S. Marglen. She was obviously used on the Baltic Sea and the North Sea in the 1920s, but then on December 30, 1927 she was sold to D. L. Pittaluga of Genoa, for scrap. From the S. S. Marglen the Molotschna group boarded the S. S. Minnedosa in Antwerp, the voyage across the ocean to Quebec City lasting from July 9 to July 17. The S. S. Minnedosa was built for Canadian Pacific by Barclay Curie & Co. of Scotstoun. She was 13,972 gross tons, 520 feet long by 67 feet wide. She had two funnels and two masts. Her speed was 17 knots. There were 490 cabin and 1,300 tourist berths. She was launched October 17, 1917 and used initially to transport troops. She was refitted in 1925, then in time sold for scrap in 1935. Before hitting the scrap yard, however, she was bought by the Italia Line for use as a troop ship under the name Piedmonte. In November of 1942 she was torpedoed near Messina, but survived. On August 15, 1943 she was scuttled in Messina, presumably by the Germans, to prevent her capture by the Allies. Then in 1949 she was raised, and on July 27 towed to Spezia for scrap. The S. S. Minnedosa had a sister ship, the S. S. Melita, also owned by Canadian Pacific, and also used by many Mennonites to cross the ocean. The ships were of identical appearance, and had identical passenger capacity, although for some reason the Minnedosa had a slight weight advantage, 5 gross tons. In 1935 Melita was also sold for scrap, was also bought by the Italia Line. She served as a troop ship under the name Liguria. She was scuttled January 22, 1941, after being set on fire by an air attack at Tobruk. She was raised and in September, 1 950 towed to Savona for scrap. Sources: Canadian Pacific Archives, Jo-Anne Colby, System Co-ordinator, Letter, 26 July 1999 185 27. MURDER AT MIDNIGHT AUGUST 24, 1926 Emigration was in the air. Some Mennonites definitely felt that the only safety lay in Canada, as far as possible from the Bolsheviks. Others still hoped for improvement in their situation, and were willing to wait. Each family in Hierschau, Molotschna Colony, had its own struggle, its own set of circumstances to deal with, its own decision to make regarding emigration. Gertrude Willms, owner of Wirtschaft 30, had come to the conclusion that it would be better for her family to grow up in Canada. Before Gertrude died in 1 924 she discussed emigration with Peter Dyck, who lived in the third Wirtschaft down the street. The families would travel together. After she died her children, despite strong opposition from relatives, continued working on plans to leave. Eventually, in August of 1 926, these plans came to fruition. The extended family which intended to leave were Aron and Maria Wall [Maria was Gertrude’s daughter], and their children Johann and Katharina Wall, as well as Elisabeth, Gertrude, Johann, Katharina and Aganetha of the Willms family. One brother Heinrich had previously escaped to the United States via Yugoslavia, another brother, Gerhard, was unable to accompany the family because he was of military age. Peter and Katharina Dyck of Wirtschaft 27, their ten children, as well as Peter’s mother Margaretha and his sister Aganetha also planned to depart at the same time. Another family, the Peter Spensts had also decided to emigrate. The three families held a combined auction. Since the Willms yard was the largest, the auction was held there. The Willms Wirtschaft had already been sold, as well as the stationary engine, so the sale involved only the household goods, furniture and farm machinery. August 24, 1926, was a beautiful sunny day. The air was filled with excitement as a large crowd of Mennonites and neighbouring Ukrainians and Russians gathered for the auction. Susanna Peters, a relative from Landskrone, had even come to the Willms farm to make borscht; she then sold bowls of the delicious steaming soup to the hungry participants. Articles sold well. One beautiful doll, no longer needed by an owner grown up, fetched 18 rubles. Various items brought good prices, perhaps helped by the predominant attitude in Hierschau that conditions would eventually improve. In the crowd a few enquiries were made as to who was the boss of the operation, and what did he look like, but no one paid any attention. In the evening, after the last customer had left the yard, the money was taken to the Grosse Stube of the Willms house, and the counting began. Aron Wall, Peter Dyck and two other relatives, Gerhard Plett and Johann Neufeld worked hard to complete the task. With night falling preparations were made to settle everyone down. Four or five Russians, far from home, were put up in the Nebenhaus. The Wall family, as well as Susanna Peters, were in the Sommer Stube. Others were distributed in various rooms as space could be found, since there were almost 20 people to be accommodated. In the meantime, knowing there would be a large amount of money in the house, and knowing that others far and wide would be aware of this, security measures were taken. 186 Quite a few of people were staying at the Willms place, hoping for safety in numbers; Peter Dyck and his son Franz, for example, intended to stay for the night. Four young men were to watch the door - Johann Willms, Franz Dyck, the night watchman Franz Siemens, and a Neudorf boy. They would let the people in the house know if anything was happening. Peter Dyck and Aron Wall would lie down on a bench in the Grosse Stube. Some of the Willms girls visited their cousins that evening, staying quite late since it was likely their last visit. They walked home and got to bed at midnight. Just as they were falling asleep, Aron Wall came into the room and pushed a box containing the auction money under one of their beds. The counting had been completed, Gerhard Plett and Johann Neufeld headed for home and Aron Wall and Peter Dyck lay down in the Grosse Stube. Before going to sleep Peter Dyck thanked his heavenly Father for the blessings of the day, and requested protection for his family for the night. The Neudorf boy had gone home, so the three remaining watchmen stayed outside the front door, sitting on the porch benches. Through the night air they heard the creaking of a wagon off in the distance in the direction of Waldheim. They were discussing what to do should it come closer to Hierschau when suddenly they were attacked. It was pitch dark, so the group of men had no trouble sneaking around the front comer of the house to surprise them. Franz Siemens, the official night watchman, got up and ran. He was shot in the middle of the yard, but survived, for the bullet just grazed his scalp. Johann Willms and Franz Dyck tried to wake up those inside the house by pounding on the front door, and also tried to get into the house, but all the doors had been bolted from the inside. The thieves clubbed both of them with the butts of their guns, until they fell unconscious and were left for dead. By this time Aron Wall and Peter Dyck were awake, and Aron asked Peter to follow him. Aron ran through the various rooms waking people. He came through the Kleine Stube and cried out “Girls, get up and save your lives! Rim for your lives!” Hearing all the screaming, cursing, shooting and flying glass, Katharina wondered in a dazed state, if she may have awakened in hell ! But Elisabeth took her younger sisters Katharina and Aganetha by the hand and headed for the back door. As they reached it they heard a shot, then a falling body. Obviously the back door was not the way to go. They headed toward the hallway which led to the bam. They tried to hide up in the attic, but Gerhard Willms, shotgun in hand, barred the way. He would not let them go up because of the danger to their lives, should the house be set on fire. “Try to get out through the bam,” he said. They ran into the bam and hid among the horses. By that time there were bandits in the house and bam, probably coming through a broken window. They were screaming at the girls, telling them to come out. There was only one escape - through the door leading to the Scheme, and the bandits were shooting at it. With the bandits coming ever closer and the horses increasingly restless, the three girls made a break for it. They somehow got through the door, then hid under a threshing machine in the Scheme. From there they squeezed through a gap in the boards of a side wall, then ran out to the back garden. They could still hear the shooting and screaming, so they ran behind the gardens to the home of the Peter Warkentins, old friends of the family. Peter Warkentin knelt down and prayed that somebody else might survive, for at the time the girls thought that they may have been the 187 only ones alive. Maria Wall and her two young children, Johann and Katharina, were rudely awakened by the noise, the children frightened and crying. Susanna Peters took Johann in her arms, Maria took Katharina. Maria tried to calm down the infant and headed for the bam. There she managed to quieten Katharina enough, so that the two of them remained undiscovered. Susanna Peters, with Johann in her arms, in the meantime headed for the back door, where she was attacked by bandits. Little Johann called out for “ Papa en de Somma Stov ” [Low German: Father in the summer room]. Obviously understanding Low Gemian, and wanting to find the man in charge, the bandits headed for the Somma Stov. In the meantime, Johann still in her arms, Susanna headed out the back door. When the bandits found, however, that there was no one in the Somma Stov, they caught up with Susanna in the front garden. They beat her about the head, pulled her by her long hair, and fired off a gun near her head. This undoubtedly ruptured Susanna’s eardrums, thereby causing deafness. Falling unconscious, she dropped Johann, who had also received some of the blows. With bloody head and back the two-year-old Johann crawled to the neighbouring hedge to hide, and kept calling out for help. Aron Wall and Peter Dyck, hearing the first sounds of the bandit attack, headed from the Grosse Stube to the Eck Stube, from which Aron proceeded to the Kleine Stube. Peter Dyck had not followed him all the way, but tried to escape through the window of the Eck Stube. Obviously the whole house was surrounded by bandits, for as he was jumping through the window a shot rang out, and Peter was hit in the head. Probably dead instantaneously, his body fell out through the window, fragments of his brain and skull were spattered inside the house. This was almost surely the shot and falling body the Willms girls had heard. Gerhard Willms, in the meantime, still in the attic with his shotgun, hearing the screaming, cursing and shooting below, fired a shot through the front window. The bandits heard this shot, and possibly recognizing that it was not one of their own guns, became wary. They had not counted on finding so many screaming occupants around every comer of the house. As suddenly as they had attacked, they now departed. Without having found the boss or the money, they hopped into their wagon, possibly dragging one of their number along [a trail of blood was later discovered in the house; it was thought that perhaps one of the bandits had been hit by one of their own stray bullets]. The wagon headed in the direction of Waldheim. By this time the whole village had been awakened, and from the amount of shooting that had occurred, it was assumed that there were few survivors. The rumour spread that the entire Willms family had been murdered. When it became apparent that the bandits had left for good, each individual or small group, thinking that maybe they were the only survivors, started coming out of hiding. This included the Russians who had been sleeping in the Nebenhaus. At first suspected of being part of the bandit group, they had actually been as terrified as everyone else. Some of them had hidden inside the bake oven, pulling the grate shut behind them for protection. Johann Willms and Franz Dyck regained consciousness, although they were still bleeding from their head wounds. Young Johann Wall was rescued from the hedge. But the body of Peter 188 Nebenhaus, where the Russians slept, then hid in the stove Money was counted here, then Aron Wall and Peter Dyck lay down on the . a c= = Bandits came around the comer, surprising the three watchmen Grosse Stube Kleine Stube Franz Siemens got up and ran, but was shot in the middle of the yard Johann Willms, Franz Dyck and Franz Siemens sat on the benches on the porch and talked. Johann Willms and Franz Dyck, when they were attacked, were clubbed with gun butts and left for dead Sommer Stube [Somma Stov\ ■' Bam - Peter Dyck tried to jump out the window. He was shot in the head, his body fell outside ■ Money hidden under a bed in the Kleine Stube Front Garden Susanna Peters, holding Johann Wall, tried to escape out the back door, but was caught and beaten. Johann crawled into the hedge Scheune Garden Elisabeth with Katharina and Aganetha tried the back door, then escaped through the bam and Scheune to the garden, then to the Peter Warkentins 189 Dyck remained still, and was covered where it lay. The police were summoned, and soon arrived. They wanted everything left the way it was, including the body of Peter Dyck, until a bloodhound arrived from Melitopol. When the dog was finally brought later in the day, he followed the trail to Waldheim, then northward. Arriving at a house apparently occupied only by an elderly lady, the hound lost interest in the trail when she gave him a large piece of meat. Together with the police, medical help came from Waldheim to administer first aid to the victims. With the first light of day the more seriously bruised and bleeding were loaded onto three wagons and taken to Dr. Wiebe in Lichtfelde. Other patients were already waiting for the doctor, but when they saw the condition of the new arrivals, they allowed them to be attended first. Bleeding was stopped, wounds were cleansed, and heads were bound up. Katharina Dyck, wife of Peter, had heard the shots and screaming at the Willms Wirtschaft, and was told that Aron Wall had been shot. When she came to see what had happened and to offer condolences, she found to her horror that her own husband had been killed. After the bloodhound had arrived, and the police were finished with their investigation, Peter’s body could finally be moved and prepared for burial. He himself had been the village mortician; now someone else had to perform that duty. Plans had previously been made for the Willms and Dycks to leave for Canada a day or two after the auction. These plans were now changed. The Willms decided to wait so that they could be at the funeral of Peter Dyck, while the Dyck family had to update the documentation before they could depart. The funeral was held on August 27, with widespread participation. Mrs. Dyck put on a brave front, but the younger children cried uncontrollably. The Willms family was afraid that the bandits might strike again, so they stayed in hiding with relatives and friends, although they did go to Peter Dyck’s funeral. On September 6 they gathered, and were taken to a more distant railroad station, since they were afraid of being spotted at Stulnevo, the nearest, most convenient point of departure. Gerhard Willms, the one brother who was staying behind, drove them to the station. From there they headed north to Moscow, then on to Canada.. They arrived in Rosthem, Saskatchewan, on October 6, one month after they had left Hierschau. The Dyck family, minus Peter, had their documents changed and followed one week later. They also arrived in Rosthem, on October 1 2, with son Franz being delayed several months. In 1970, about forty-four years after the murder of Peter Dyck, an anonymous request came from Russia through a third party, requesting the forgiveness of the Dyck family. By then the wife, Katharina, had died, but the Dyck children gladly accepted the apology of a man whose conscience was bothering him for having participated in the attempted robbery which resulted in the tragic death of their father. 190 Sources: Dyck [Dueck], Aganetha, letter, Der Herold, 23 September 1926 Dyck, Ernest, son of Peter Dyck, Personal letter and Interview Huebert, H. T., Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, pp 291-299 News Reports, Mennonitische Rundschau, 22 September 1926, p 8; 6 October 1926, p 10 Personal Interviews, the Willms siblings; Maria Wall, Johann Willms, Gertrude Baerg, Katharina Huebert and Aganetha Toews 191 28. AT THE GATES OF MOSCOW SEPTEMBER TO DECEMBER, 1929 “Mennonites refused admission to Canada; Germany in doubt as to policy in regard to them, so Soviet ships them back to Siberia.” This headline from the New York Times of December 1 , 1 929 in a few words encapsulates the fate of many Mennonites during that period. Over thirteen thousand refugees, including many Mennonites, but also Lutherans and Roman Catholics, gathered in Moscow in a desperate attempt to leave the USSR. Obtaining exit visas was one problem, but finding entrance into another country presented another obstacle. Canada was unwilling to accept more refugees, Germany was near economic collapse, so the Soviets simply shipped those not accepted back home, or into exile. When the Bolsheviks first swept into power they immediately began implementing their basic philosophy, such as confiscation and collectivization of land, taking over the schools, preaching the atheist doctrine. When the economic state of the country seemed to be heading toward disaster, the New Economic Policy was implemented; it brought a temporary relaxation of these policies. Hopes for reconstruction even interested some of the Mennonites. Two organizations were involved in the Mennonite reaction, the Verband Buerger Hollandischer Herkunft [VBHH] representing the 60,000 Mennonites in Ukraine, and the All-Russischer Mennonitischer Landwirtshaftsverein [AMLV] covering the Mennonites of all other regions of Russia. Two German language papers were begun, Unser Blatt in Ukraine, and Der Landwirt as a publication of the AMLV. Even while the New Economic Policy was in effect, the State Planning Commission was drafting strategy for the first Five-Year Plan. This plan was to come into operation at the end of 1928, but unofficially was begun in 1925-1926. There were increasing restrictions on religious freedom, and ever decreasing exemption from military service. The VBHH and the AMLV were dissolved by government action, and as early as the spring of 1926 it was becoming increasingly difficult to secure passports to leave the country. With additional roadblocks for departure only 847 Mennonites reached Canada in 1927, and 511 in 1928. The first Five-Year Plan was officially introduced on October 1, 1928. The objectives most affecting the Mennonites were collectivization of the land, renewed attacks on religion, continued control of the schools, with the indoctrination that entailed. Those who owned land or businesses were declared kulaks , and were totally disenfranchised or sent into exile. Now almost all Mennonites felt that they had no future in the Soviet Union. Requests for help poured in to people such as B. H. Unruh in Germany, David Toews in Canada and to the Mennonite Central Committee. In desperation 29 families, largely from Siberia, fled to Moscow in November of 1928. They moved into housing in the Moscow suburbs, spending most of their last rubles on bread and rent. They worked at getting their visas for six months, apparently with great perseverence. Probably to get rid of these very insistent refugees they were granted passports! Those who passed the medical examination were free to go to Canada, the rest 192 were detained in Hamburg. The leader of this group was P.B. Epp, and Peter G. Smidovitch the government official who granted the passports. He warned the that it was unlikely that additional passports would be issued. The group left Moscow on August 30, 1929. News of the 29 families spread like wildfire. Other Mennonites felt that this was probably their only chance to escape. They came from Siberia [as far away as the Amur region], the Crimea, the Caucasus, the Kuban, Molotschna, Sagradovka, Memrik, Alt and Neu Samara, Am Trakt and Ufa. They found housing in the Moscow suburbs of Perlovka, Tayninka, Klyazma and Pushkino. Many also found temporary housing in summer villas. On September 18, 1929 there were 250 families, about 1,000 persons in the environs of Moscow. Ten days later there were 400 families, a week later 600. Peter Fast described the long trek to Moscow. “People would sell their belongings at public auction sales and then leave, not knowing whether they had any chance of successfully leaving the country. But with nothing to lose and everything to gain there was but one choice. Soon auction sales were declared unlawful and detachments of mounted police were patrolling the countryside to disperse the crowds... In desperation whole groups of families fled secretly by night, leaving all they owned...” In time at least 13,000 [some say up to 15,000] refugees flocked to Moscow, including many Mennonites, but also Lutherans, Catholics, and even a few Baptists and Greek Orthodox Russians. German and American journalists visited the refugees and promised to draw the attention of the world to this tragedy. On October 10 B. H. Unruh, through the Soviet embassy in Berlin, asked for permission to investigate. Permission was denied, but a government commission was appointed, which recommended that all the refugees should be allowed to emigrate. On October 1 9 the German embassy received the information that, provided another country was willing to accept them, refugees could leave the Soviet Union. All of them wanted to go to Canada, but Canada was reluctant to accept additional immigrants. Germany at the time was in no economic condition to help. The Soviets were now ready to send up to 1,000 refugees via Leningrad to Hamburg, another 5,000 via Riga. Without a favourable decision by the government of Canada, however, neither the Canadian Pacific Railway nor Germany were willing to proceed. In the mean time the Soviets were threatening to send the refugees back to their homes or into exile. One group of 324 for some reason had already departed from Moscow and arrived at Kiel, Germany, on November 3, where they were lodged temporarily. On November 4 Unruh continued his negotiations with the German government in Berlin. He also asked the German Mennonite and Evangelical churches for help. Through the newly formed Brueder in Not [Brethren in Need] relief agency an appeal was made to the whole German nation, “...in spite of our difficult economic situation [we ask] for an offering for the afflicted brethren.” Reich President von Hindenburg donated 200,000 Reichsmark, and 6,000,000 Reichsmark were appropriated by the Reich cabinet for the rescue. Other agencies and individuals also contributed. In the mean time the government of Canada gave its final negative answer on November 25, basically sentencing thousands of people to hardship and death. German generosity and hospitality stepped in and allowed at least temporary refuge to a number of 193 those in Moscow. Between December 1 and 1 1 , a total of 5,671 were admitted to that country. Of these 3,885 were Mennonites, 1,260 Lutherans, 468 Catholics and 51 Baptists. Including births, those who escaped by other means, and other close relatives who were allowed to leave, the sum eventually came to 6,278 persons. They travelled via Riga, where they paused at least long enough to express their thanks to God in prayer, to On arrival in Riga the Moscow refugees prayed and sang “j Nun danket alle Gotf sing "Nun danket alle Gott" [Now Thank We All Our God], and to have a steaming hot bowl of soup. They were then sent to three camps in Germany. After previous warnings the Soviet government, through the GPU, the secret police, was beginning to send the remaining refugees back. Under torture the men were forced to sign documents that they went voluntarily; more than 300 had already been arrested and sent into exile. Heinrich Martens graphically described the conditions and consequences. The women and children were thrown onto trucks, loaded onto freight cars, then shipped back. Many children suffered broken arms and legs from the brute force used. Pregnant women gave birth on pavements or on trucks, and both mother and child often died within hours. Many families were tom asunder. About 8,000 were sent back. The trip back to the Crimea took nine days, to Siberia about three weeks, through the bitter cold. Many people died on the way. At one station the bodies of 37 children were taken from the train, at another Siberian station the count of bodies was 60. When they arrived back “ home” they had nothing to eat, and no roof over their heads. Refugees served hot soup in Riga 194 Those refugees who had been allowed into Germany were taken to three camps, in Hammerstein, Moelln and Prenzlau. Many started their sojourn by celebrating Christmas in the new, if somewhat crowded circumstances. Life in the camps was made as pleasant and profitable as possible. School at the Prenzlau camp There were kindergartens, schools, Sunday schools, choirs, libraries and even sewing classes. In time the refugees left for various destinations, to Brazil 2,529, Paraguay 1,572, Canada [surprisingly] 1,344, Argentina six, Mexico four, USA four, and 458 stayed in Europe. By November, 1932, there were only 70 persons left in the camp at Moelln. With the aid of the German A meeting at the Moelln camp government as well as the Dutch Mennonites, migration to Brazil was made possible. This country did not guarantee non- resistant status, so the Mennonites who chose Brazil tended to be those who considered this principle to be of marginal importance. The first group of 33 families sailed for Brazil on the Monte Olivia on January 16, 1930. They settled on land in the upper Krauel River valley near the German city of Blumenau. Eventually 2,529 Moscow refugee Mennonites settled in Brazil. Of those refugees going to Paraguay, the first group crossed the ocean on a German vessel Bayern, then transferred to a river boat in Buenos Aires. After travelling some distance up the Paraguay River they disembarked at Puerto Casada, then were transported 195 by railroad for 145 kilometres. This was followed by a 100 kilometre trek westwards deeper into the Paraguayan Chaco on oxcarts provided by the Menno Colony. They established the Femheim Colony, consisting of 13 villages, with Filadelfia laid out as the centre. The fate of the “other eight thousand” was that which usually occurred to those who challenged the Soviet government. Some were undoubtedly imprisoned and executed, others were exiled to the far north, many were returned to their homes penniless to manage as best they could. Sources: Epp, Frank H., Mennonite Exodus, Canadian Mennonite Relief and Immigration Council, Altona, Canada, 1962, pp 221-239 Fast, Peter, Mennonites on the Move, Mennonite Life, January 1959, pp 14-16 Martens, Heinrich, Refugee in Moelln camp, Letter, 29 December 1929 Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 145, 149 New York Times, Headline, 1 December 1929, Section 3, p 2 Toews, John B., Czars, Soviets & Mennonites, Faith and Life Press, Newton, USA, 1982, pp 130-134 Willms, H. J., Editor, Vor den Toren Moskaus, Komitee der Fluechtlinge, Yarrow, Canada, pp 15-147 Background Information: Benjamin H. Unruh 196 BENJAMIN H. UNRUH [1881 - 1959] The German Negotiator Benjamin Heinrich Unruh was bom on September 4, 1881 in Temir-Bulat [Philippstal], Crimea. He was the ninth of ten children of Heinrich Benjamin and Elisabeth [Wall] Unruh. His father was a farmer, but also a minister and elder in the Karassan Mennonite Church. Two older brothers, Heinrich and Komelius, went to India as missionaries. Gerhard became a respected minister in the Mennonite Brethren Church, and Abraham, just three years older than Benjamin, was a well known Bible teacher in Russia and later in Canada. His father Benjamin died of pneumonia at an early age, in 1883, leaving the family in difficult circumstances. His brother Abraham, in order to give him better educational possibilities, was sent to live with his uncle Komelius Unruh in Ohrloff, Molotschna. After four years of rather indifferent elementary schooling at Temir-Bulat, Benjamin was sent to the home of his grandfather, Benjamin Unruh, in Tokultschak [Johannesruh], also in the Crimea. Here his excellent teacher was Johann Fehderau, who taught the young Benjamin enough in three years to make it easy to enter the Zentralschule in Ohrloff in 1 895. Here his teachers were also excellent, among them his own uncle, Komelius Unruh. From there he went to the Teachers’ College in Halbstadt. He particularly appreciated his well educated and very dedicated teacher, Wilhelm P. Neufeld, and also his religion teacher, brother Abraham. During this time in Halbstadt Benjamin came to a personal faith in Jesus Christ at the age of 18, and was baptized and joined the Mennonite Brethren Church of Spat, in the Crimea. After completion of his courses he passed the examination for the Russian subjects in Simferopol, for Religion and German in Halbstadt, and later in 1909 the state examinations in Kharkov. His Ohrloff and Halbstadt studies had been financed by a member of the Comies family, but because of difficult circumstances this funding ran out. Benjamin had received an offer to teach when three new benefactors enabled him to continue his studies. As a result of his financing Benjamin was able to study in Basel, Switzerland from 1900 to 1907, first at the Evangelisches Predigerseminar of Wilhelm Arnold, then at the University of Basel. He graduated from the faculty of theology in June of 1907 with a licentiate in church and dogma history [equivalent of a Ph. D.]. He turned down a position in Basel to go back to his own Mennonite people, accepting a post as teacher of Religion and German in the newly established advanced teachers’ college [Ober- Realschule\ in Halbstadt. On August 18, 1907, before he returned to Russia, Benjamin married Frieda Hege, of Breitenau, Germany. She was daughter of Christian Hege, a Mennonite elder. The couple had eight children, four boys and four girls. They were Rudolf [1908], Martha [1909], Hans [1910], Heinrich [1911], Liesel [1914], Olga [1915], Maria [1917] and Fritz [1919], After over 38 years of marriage Frieda died on December 27, 1945. Benjamin married Paula Hotel in 1948; she was the daughter ofElder Johannes Hotel of Batzenhof. In Halbstadt Benjamin dedicated himself to excellence in teaching for over a decade. He Benjamin H. Unruh [1881-1959] 197 taught Religion and German at the advanced levels, including the Maedchenschule. Katherine Rempel, one of his students, says of him “I must mention my esteemed teacher Benjamin Unruh, to whom I dedicate some words of acknowledgment and gratitude. ..when Mr. Unruh discussed a drama with us.. .everybody paid attention and no one was bored. He knew how to uncover hidden treasures and connect them to everyday life. ..This gift was also evident in the Bible classes... difficult passages... would be carefully explained...” During this time Benjamin also published a book “ Lehrbuch fuer den Religionsuntericht ’’[Manual for Instruction of Religion] for secondary schools, in 1913. He was a leader among Mennonite educators and spoke at many conferences. In 1919 he chaired a congress of teachers held at Prischib. But Benjamin’s interests extended beyond education. On August 14-18, 1917, he was one of three chairmen of the All-Russian Mennonite Congress held in Ohrloff. A Mennozentrum [Mennonite Centre] was established, headquarters in Halbstadt, and Benjamin was chosen to head this organization. In 1920 Benjamin was appointed as a member, and also the secretary of the Studienkommission, which was to deal with the famine that was decimating the Mennonite colonies, but also to explore the possibility of emigration to foreign countries. In this capacity, in early May of 1920, he travelled to Holland, Switzerland and Germany, then to the United States and Canada. Upon returning he played a significant role in founding a German Mennonite relief agency. He then remained in Germany, his wife and children eventually joining him in 1922. He settled in Rueppurr, a suburb of Karlsruhe, Germany. From this base he taught Russian language, literature and history at a technical college in Karlsruhe, but more importantly became an advocate for Russian Mennonite causes, particularly as it related to emigration and relief work. Benjamin was intimately involved in the negotiations for the emigration of 1923 to 1928, with a major concern for those Mennonites who were quarantined en route because of the eye disease trachoma, first in Lechfeld, Germany, then in Atlantic Park, near Southampton in England. In the 1929 cry for help by the Mennonite refugees in Moscow, Benjamin Unruh was one of the principal negotiators. On October 10, 1929, he asked the Soviets, through their embassy in Berlin, if he could go to Moscow to investigate the situation. This was denied, but he continued his efforts in dealing with the German government. He asked the German Mennonites and Evangelical churches for help. Finally, through the newly established “ Brueder in Not ” [Brethren in Need] relief agency he appealed to the whole German nation. Eventually, to a considerable degree through the efforts of Unruh, Germany accepted 6,278 [5,671 plus additional relatives] of the 1 3,000- 1 5,000 desperate refugees massed in Moscow. He also played a part in their settlement in three camps in Germany, and the final departure for Paraguay, Brazil and Canada. Benjamin assisted in the travel of some of the AmurVHarbin refugees via France to South America. In the early 1 930s it was less and less possible to intervene directly for his Russian brethren, but for a time he could help to encourage and coordinate the sending of much needed relief packages. Benjamin was prominent in the 1930 Mennonite World Relief Conference held in Danzig. He delivered three talks relating to the relief and the emigration of Russian Mennonites. At the third Mennonite World Conference held in Amsterdam in 1936 he again spoke about the Mennonites in Russia, but also, together with Fritz Kliewer, informed the delegates about the Mennonites in Paraguay. Nearer home, one of Benjamin’s concerns was the reorganization of the German Mennonite churches in the 1930s. For years he also helped them deal with the question of the oath, especially as it related to the Third Reich. He had a personal interview with Heinrich Himmler on this subject. While living in Germany Unruh seems to have been strongly influenced by the rising tide of German nationalism, and with it perhaps had an idealistic evaluation of the National Socialist movement. He later commented on the 1929-1930 refugees, seemingly with approval, “many of these farmers were able to take with them overseas impressions of the National Socialist militant 198 movement.” According to Thiesen, discussing the various influences on the South American Mennonites, “Nazis offered a language that came not only directly from German sources but through Mennonites’ own intellectual leaders... and respected Mennonite spokesmen such as B. H. Unruh.” This is a chapter of Unruh’s life on which he himself and his biographers were later, not surprisingly, silent. When, after the conclusion of hostilities of World War II, the Soviets began invading the Western Allied zones of Germany to repatriate their former citizens, Benjamin played a part in helping the refugees who were trying to escape. He provided many Mennonites with desperately needed documentation such as birth, baptismal and marriage certificates. He also compiled an extensive list of about 8,000 names which enabled the Mennonite Central Committee to trace and help a large number of Mennonite refugees. During his career Benjamin wrote many essays on a wide variety of subjects. One hundred of his publications are listed in “ Mennonite Bibliography 1631-1961.” Many of these had earlier been lectures given on various occasions. He wrote on subjects related to his teaching profession, such as “Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der russland deutschen Schulen .” He frequently covered various aspects of Mennonite history, “ Die Revolution 1525 und das Taeufertum” and included biographies of Mennonite leaders, “ Johann H. Willms and “ Peter J. Braun. ” Much of his attention was focused on Mennonites in Russia and their plight, “Die Mennoniten in Russland in Geschichte und Gegenwart" and “Wie Koennen wir den Mennoniten in Russland helfen?” He discussed theological issues as well, “ Gewissenfreiheit ” and “Die Mennonitische Konfession.” He also liked to recall his own past, and published a four part autobiography in Der Bote. As mentioned previously Benjamin published a manual for instruction in religion in 1913, and had a number of additional manuscripts ready, which unfortunately were not printed because of the unsettled times in Russia. Luckily a long time major work of his was completed shortly before his death. “Die niederlaendisch-niederdeutschen Hintergrunde der mennonitischen Ostwanderungim 16., 18., und 19. Jahrhundert” was published in 1955, and is indispensable for any serious student of Mennonite history. “ Fuegung und Fuehrung im mennonitischen Welthilfswerk 1920-1933 ,” is a collection of his materials regarding the work among refugees which came to print after his death, in 1966. While Benjamin was a baptized member of the Mennonite Brethren Church, he was never elected a minister. He preferred to fellowship in the wider community of believers, his motto being, “I do not wish to have less brothers than Jesus Christ did.” In 1927 he was a Mennonite delegate to a world church conference in Lausanne, Switzerland. He was active in relief of suffering, with interests wide enough for him to be honoured by the German Red Cross. He received the “ Verdienstkreuz 1. Klasse, ’’presented by President von Hindenburg himself. Because of his Russian studies and various theological works, the theological faculty of the University of Heidelberg bestowed an honourary doctorate of theology degree on him in 1937. In 1957 he was made an honourary member of the “ Landmanschaft der Deutschen aus Russland ’ [Society of Germans from Russia]. 199 Benjamin Unruh worked almost to his last days. In January of 1959 he submitted a manuscript for publication “ Humanity from the Christian Perspective A few months later his health failed. Suffering from arteriosclerosis, he was seriously ill for four weeks, then he died on May 12, 1959 in a hospital in Karlsruhe. The funeral service was held in the Resurrection Church in Karlsruhe-Rueppurr. He was buried on May 1 5 in the local cemetery. Benjamin was survived by his second wife Paula and seven children. Benjamin Heinrich Unruh impacted the lives of many people. To academics and church officials he was “ ueberkonfessioneller und uebernationeler , allchristlicher nnd allmenschlicher ” [interconfessional, international, all-christian and all-human]. But to many of those who had personally been saved from misery or even death by his dedicated work he was “ Ohm Benjamin ” [Father Benjamin]. Sources: Dyck, Arnold, Mein Besuch bei Ohm Benjamin , Mennonite Life, January 1960, pp 8-10 Epp, Frank H., Mennonite Exodus, Canadian Mennonite Relief and Immigration Council Altona, Canada, 1962, pp 40, 44, 45,46, 52,61,62, 65-67, 117, 158, 159, 176, 177, 209, 230-232, 257, 269, 276, 277, 283, 365, 368, 426, 446 Ewert, David, Stalwart for the Truth , Board for Christian Literature, General Conference of the Mennonite Brethren churches of North America, Winnipeg, Canada, 1975, pp 19-23 Klassen, H., One of the Last , Mennonite Life, January 1960, pp 4-5 Krahn, Cornelius, Benjamin H. Unruh heimgegangen, Der Bote, 7 May 1959, p 5 Krahn, Cornelius, Biographical Sketch of Benjamin H. Unruh, Mennonite Life, January I960, p 6 Mennonite Encyclopedia Mennonitisches Lexikon Vol 4: 389-390 News Report, Mennonitische Rundschau, 20 May 1959, p 1 News Report, Mennonitische Rundschau, 3 June 1959, pp 1, 5 Quiring, Horst, Benjamin H. Unruh zum 70. Geburtstag, Mennonitische Geschichtsblaetter, March 1952, pp 26-29 Regehr, Peggy, Descendents of Benjamin H. Unruh, Unruh Family Tree, Winnipeg, Canada Rempel, Katherine, Glimpses from My Life, translated by Dorothy Huebert, Winnipeg, Canada, 1997, p 10 Schleuning, Johannes, Professor Lie. theol. D. h. c. Benjamin Heinrich Unruh zum Gedaechtnis, Heimatbuch der Deutschen aus Russland, 1960, pp 102-108 Schnebele, Christian, Aus Benjamin Unruh' s Taetigkeit, Mennonitisches Jahrbuch, 1952, pp 45-47 Springer, Nelson P., and Klassen, A. J., Mennonite Bibliography 1631-1961, Herald Press, Scottdale, USA, and Kitchener, Canada, 1977, p 512, listing a total of 100 articles and books Thiesen, John D., Mennonite and Nazi?, Pandora Press, Kitchener, Canada, pp 25-37 Unruh, Benjamin H., Benjamin H. Unruh, Der Bote, 5 September 1951, pp 1, 2; 12 September 1951, pp 1,2; 19 September 1951, p 2; 26 September 1951, pp 2, 3 Unruh, B. H., Peter J. Braun, Mennonitisches Jahrbuch 1952, pp 29-32 Unruh, Benjamin Heinrich, Fuegung und Fuehrung im mennonitischen Welthilfswerk 1920-1933, Mennonitischen e. V. Weierhof, West Germany, 1966, pp 3-68 200 29. AMUR CROSSING DECEMBER 16, 1930 Prior to World War I most Mennonite colonies were in European Russia. Those Mennonites going beyond these confines settled mainly in western Siberia, near Omsk, or in the Slavgorod region. After the revolution, when it became obvious that collectivization or exile were in store, many Mennonites migrated to Canada. Some of those who could not leave accepted the Soviet offer to settle in the distant, largely uninhabited land along the Amur River, hoping to avoid the harsh reality of communist rule. They were promised 400 rubles per family, about 1 5 hectares of land per family member, reduced freight rates, and no taxes for three years. The first settlers left Slavgorod on March 24, 1 927, 42 families taking household goods, farm implements and animals on the long trek eastward by train. They, and those who soon followed, established the Usman settlement near the city of Blagoveshchensk. Other colonies established in the area were Savitaya, Muchino, Nevzorovka and Shumanovka, total population over 2,300. Most settlers came from western Siberia, but some also arrived from European Russia. The settlements had barely been established when collectivization was forced upon even this distant outpost. As was the practice elsewhere, the more successful farmers were declared kulaks, and were disenfranchised. The GPU [the Soviet secret police] had moved in to ensure cooperation, and spies reported those who did not. Heavy grain tax was levied on all crops despite the promise of three tax-free years. The four villages of Shumanovka, Kleefeld, Friedensfeld and New York were combined to form a collective farm, with Jakob Siemens of Shumanovka appointed the leader. In the spring of 1 929 seeding was done in a collective fashion. Thanks to the energy of the leadership and the settlers this farm was named a model collective, which of course then was connected with greater responsibilities and higher demands. In the autumn the crops were harvested, again everyone working most diligently. Despite seeming collaboration with the authorities, this was only a ruse. The communist system went against the heart and soul of the Mennonite settlers. Most were looking for some way out of the situation, preferably to settle in North America, the land of freedom. In the autumn of 1 929 the word was spread that some Mennonites had obtained exit visas in Moscow, and so had been able to emigrate. Mennonites from all over the Soviet Union gathered in Moscow in desperate hopes that they might escape. But of the over 1 3,000 who applied, only about 6,000 were successful. The others were sent back to their homes empty handed, or worse still, banished to the 201 north. A number of people from the Amur area also went to Moscow. Peter Mantler was actually able to emigrate to Canada, but minister Heinrich Loewen was sent back. What was to be done? The wide Amur River was immediately south of the Mennonite colonies, forming a natural boundary between Soviet Siberia and Manchuria [China], Roughly parallel to the Amur River in this region of China lies a low mountain range “Kleine Chingan” [Lesser Khingan Range or Xiao Higgang], These mountains were visible from the Mennonite villages, hovering on the south west horizon, and were often referred to as “The Blue Mountains of China.” Behind that, they imagined, was a land of fairytale oriental splendour. It is no wonder that in time the thoughts of the Mennonites turned to these blue mountains as a possible route of escape. True, it would mean going into a heathen land, where the next big city, Harbin, was far away, but was it perhaps possible? As early as 1 927 a few young men had crossed the border, then later under the cover of darkness came back to get their families. Later the border patrols were strengthened, but even so a number of groups were able to escape in the winter of 1928-1929 over the ice of the frozen river. The border patrols became increasingly active and sometimes shot and killed people trying to escape. Chinese traders, who often smuggled goods across the border, also offered to lead groups to China, but occasionally became traitors and turned these people over to the Soviet patrols instead. The local GPU chief periodically came riding through the Mennonite villages to observe activities; local individuals were also recruited to spy on each other. Knowing this, people were very secretive. So it was that others were not aware of an escape plan of 12 Shumanovka families on the night of March 25, 1 930. They left their homes in the dark of night to a rendevous that had been decided on seven verst from the village. A Chinese guide was to meet them there, and would lead them across the river. They waited, and waited. No Chinese guide. Finally, fearing that the guide may be intending to turn them over to the GPU, they returned home. In the morning the GPU chief came into the village to “discuss some important questions.” But there were no signs of the night’s activities. This time the 12 families were fortunate. It seemed that further thoughts of escape were unrealistic. The citizens of Shumanovka and the neighbouring villages were excellent farmers. The collective, with its able leader Jakob Siemens, satisfied the authorities in all possible ways, and even did more than was prescribed. They worked tirelessly and prepared elaborate plans for the future, showing that even Mennonite farmers could work the system of insane agricultural policies. The harvest in the autumn of 1930 was brought in efficiently, the grain tax was paid without argument. The farmers even built a mill where their own grain as well as that of neighbouring collectives could be ground. In November of 1930 the leadership of the collective contemplated possible work for the winter. The members of the collective should not spend the winter months lying around on bear rugs or pretending they were in Schlaraffenland [a land of milk and honey]. No, they should work! They wanted to be loyal citizens. To this end the whole collective would like to do forestry work near the city of Chabarovsk, about 800 kilometres away. They would need to buy horses and build sleighs and make preparations for this long trip. 202 The Soviet authorities, pleasantly surprised by this offer, nevertheless consented. So the plans proceeded. Little did the authorities guess that these same horses and sleighs could also head south over the Amur River! Leaders and members of the collective, at least the village of Shumanovka and its neighbour New York, agreed that while risky, perhaps irresponsibly insane, the plan was worth a try. The leadership, for security reasons, was somewhat vague about its plans. The teacher and one of the villagers were known to be communist collaborators, so they were kept completely in the dark. Two villagers from Shumanovka, Isaak Wiens and Wilhelm Federau, who were especially diligent, were asked to scout out the possibilities. On November 2, led by a reliable Chinese guide named Alexander, they crossed the border under cover of darkness. Reaching the Chinese village of Kani-Fu, they received valuable information about border crossings from some horse traders. They also negotiated terms under which the Chinese village would accept the refugees when they arrived. Since the return to Siberia might be difficult they purchased a number of items in China so that, should they be captured by the border patrols or the GPU, they could give the excuse of having been in China to purchase goods. In a week, again at night and with some fortunate fog, Wiens and Federau returned safely to Shumanovka. They reported to the collective farm leadership, feeling that with proper precautions the escape would be possible. Now it was time to put the plans into action. It was decided to leave in the middle of December. Under promise of extreme secrecy and caution each villager of Shumanovka and New York [except, of course the two spies in Shumanovka] was informed of the specific plans, and the leadership asked everyone to make necessary preparations. The secret, but feverish work began. The sleighs, designed for freight, had to be converted to accommodate passengers. The sides and backs were built up so that women and children could be packed in warmly, a feature especially needed in the extreme cold. This work was done behind the straw stacks so as not to be seen from the street. The collective distributed flour and sun flower oil to each villager. Ham, other meat, and baked goods were also prepared. How fortunate that the authorities had been convinced that preparations for a trip into the forest needed to be made, otherwise some suspicion might have been aroused. Even those villagers who ordinarily had forgotten how to pray were driven to their knees, praying quite earnestly for God’s guidance and protection. The date was set for December 15. The village of Shumanovka was informed as well as New York. Those who had close relatives in neighbouring villages could also invite them to join. Everything was ready. The sleighs were packed. Besides food and clothing a few settlers also packed additional items from which they could impossibly part - such as a sewing machine, a milk separator, an incredibly valuable musical instrument. The leadership again chose the Chinese guide Alexander to lead them. They felt that he was trustworthy, besides being known to most of the settlers. He was, of course, not willing to risk his life for nothing, but seemed to value the sound of gold even more than his life. Being in a poor bargaining position, the villagers agreed that each family would give Alexander their best horse once they were safely in China. A fair payment for the work of a single night! 203 Now the 15th of December was there. Every settler made sure that everything in the household was ready. It was hard to wait through the long hours of the day. Towards evening a number of the men dropped in to see the teacher and the farmer suspected of being a GPU spy. They outlined the escape plans to each and gave them a choice. They could join the group, or they could be tied up and be left lying in their homes - to make sure that they could not report events to the GPU. They both chose to join the flight to China. They were given some extra clothing and quickly made preparations to leave. Now the cold winter night settled in. The plan was to leave about nine o’clock. Tension mounted, there were pounding heartbeats, and there was little appetite for supper. Then the news arrived. It would not be possible to leave that night! What had happened? A message had come from New York asking for a delay of eight days. That village was not yet ready to depart, among other things they wished to sell their flour. Jakob Siemens pled with the New York representatives. The tension of waiting another eight days would be unbearable, and besides the chances of some leak in security during that time would be too great. He practically fell on his knees, but to no avail. If Shumanovka did not wait, the New Yorkers would inform the Soviet authorities! This convinced Siemens that they had to comply. But the New Yorkers were suspicious, so they left a number of men behind as guards, just to be certain. The next day, December 16, the Shumanovka settlers held a secret meeting. They decided that it was almost criminal to wait so long, the risk was just too great. The decision was to leave that night. Again the message was passed from household to household. Evening arrived, and the people were waiting anxiously for the proposed ten o’clock departure time. Again supper was hard to keep down. The guards from New York were still there, observing activities. Shumanovka posted two young men just south of the village on the road to Konstantinovka, where the GPU headquarters were located, to see if there was any traffic from that direction. It was bitter cold, minus 40 0 Reaumur [minus 5 0 0 Celsius] . The air was still, so sound carried very well, but from the south it was a quiet as a cemetery. The two were about to turn back when the sounds of a sleigh reached their ears. The crisp crunching of snow under the runners became louder and louder. A sleigh came into view carrying three passengers who, all bundled up, were not recognizable. Fortunately it did not come from Konstantinovka, but from the neighbouring village of Friedensfeld. It headed straight into the village. The people were some Friesens from Friedensfeld who had come to join the escape. What a relief! By now it was 12 midnight. The guards from New York had, assuming the terrible cold would make it impossible to travel, headed for home. Now that the shock of the new arrivals had passed, and the New Yorkers had gone home, the message to prepare for departure arrived. The cattle were freed from the bams. The wall clocks were wound up, the lamps were left burning, and the supper dishes were left on the table. Valued furniture was left behind as a symbol of willingness to part with everything to save their souls from the Bolshevik Babel and to escape communist atheism. Now everything was ready. After an agreed upon sign was given the sleighs passed through the yard gates onto the street where they formed a long train, about 60 sleighs in 204 all. The Chinese guide, Alexander led the way, the next in line was Isaak Wiens, one of the leaders, then followed the rest. A number of armed outriders protected the train and helped maintain order. Many of the young men walked beside the sleighs. The word had been passed along to maintain quiet, so as not to attract attention, so each one was left to his own thoughts. Even the Amur region had become home, so it was with a feeling of some regret that the group was leaving the familiar, and striking off into the dark unknown. At first the caravan headed straight down the road southward, but then to avoid possible detection by the border patrol it veered off to the side, into knee deep snow. The night was getting colder still. The snow crunched under the sleigh runners, so loud that some were afraid that they would be heard. The horses of the lead sleigh, breaking the path, had the hardest work. After about three kilometres they passed by the Russian village of Voyko vo, the first guard post of the border patrol. They skirted it by going half a kilometre around, and soon the village was left far behind. The further they went, the more difficult the trail. There were hills and valleys, both hard for the horses to navigate. Sometimes the sleigh runners hit tree stumps and tipped over, on occasion the pole of the sleigh broke, and had to be repaired. One horse became uncontrollable, breaking up the sleigh. Eventually the horse was controlled and the sleigh fixed. The cold was so severe that the travellers often checked for frostbite - noses, ears, fingers and toes. They rubbed them with snow if they feared they were frostbitten. One family had brought along an entire butchered cow, but together with wife and children the load was too heavy; the sleigh broke down and could not be repaired. Quickly the family members were transferred, and the broken sleigh was pulled off the trail together with its delicious sides of beef. “May the wolves, ’’said one observer, “or the border patrol, have a good meal!” After a long, very difficult trip with many delays, which increased the chances of meeting up with border patrols, they were close to the Amur River, but had to pass the Russian village of Orlovka. Here there were 20 members of the border patrol, with a machine gun. The first streaks of dawn were beginning to show on the eastern sky. Roosters were crowing in the village. The path got even rougher, more sleighs broke down. They were either repaired or pushed aside off the path. The caravan continued around the village, the miracle being that they were not detected. Finally the first sleigh reached the shore of the Amur. But then another problem faced the group. There was a three metre drop from the bank to the ice level. The lead horses were frightened and began to back up. Yet something had to be done. Women and children got off the sleighs; half the men pushed from above, the other half tried to break the fall at the bottom. The work was so hard that the men were sweating, and despite the terrible cold had to take off their coats. Even with all the precautions some of the sleighs broke on impact with the hard ice surface, with all the contents rolling out into the snow. Those sleighs that could be repaired were quickly patched up and reloaded. The sky was becoming lighter and lighter, and still some of the sleighs were up on the shore. Orlovka was only one kilometre away, yet nothing was seen of the border patrol. Had Alexander possibly paid them off? Finally the last sleigh was down, and the procession travelled across the ice. The outriders turned a worried eye toward Orlovka, but 205 no one appeared. The sleighs proceeded at full trot, the ice being covered by only a light blanket of snow. The Siberian banks of the Amur were more and more distant. After travelling one and a half kilometres they had to twist and turn between islands. The horses were urged onward, and when the first rays of the sun appeared, the caravan reached the Chinese shore. Since they were soon surrounded by curious Chinese people, the Mennonites assumed they had reached China, but so great was the fear of possible GPU reprisal that the refugees found it difficult to believe. The group entered the Chinese village of Kani-Fu, where according to the previous arrangements, they received a friendly reception. Now the hard ice of their fear could melt, their doubts could be eased, prayers of thanks could go up to God. A total of 217 people fled across the Amur that night, of which 175 were from the village of Shumanovka. But there was one tragedy. When the women and children were unloaded in Kani-Fu it was discovered that one two year old, the daughter of Aron Warkentin, had died of suffocation because of the heavy blankets she was wrapped in. Several men had severe frostbite, which was discovered during the warming up phase, when they had severe pain. Later, in Harbin, a number of their gangrenous toes had to be amputated. They were safe, but the adventures were not over as yet. Alexander, the Chinese guide needed to be paid. The refugees feared that if he really stuck to his bargain, they would not have enough horses to proceed further. He finally allowed the smaller families to combine in their payment, accepting the 22 best horses the Mennonites had as full recompense. They then had to pay five rubles tax to the Chinese authorities for each of the remaining horses. When the group obtained official permission to stay in China, they left Kani-Fu on December 27, and travelled the eight kilometres to the larger town of Kotshuricha on their sleighs. From there eight buses picked them up, and with many frustrating episodes along the way, delivered the refugees to Qiqihar. They then travelled to Harbin by train, arriving on February 12, 1931. Other groups escaped to Harbin in a similar manner, so that soon hundreds of refugees were put up in the city. In time, to a considerable degree through the efforts of the Mennonite Central Committee, but even using the intervention of the League of Nations, they were accepted into the United States, Brazil and Paraguay. The last refugees did not leave until 1934. Apparently those remaining in the Amur villages were forced to leave the border area, and many were imprisoned. A few families headed even further eastward, to the island of Sakhalin. Unfortunately the Bolsheviks followed them even to this remote region. Sources: Ewert, Isaak, Blumenort, Amurgebiet, Unser Blatt, January 1928, pp 89, 90 Fast, Gerhard, In den Steppen Sibiriens, J. Heese, Rosthem, Canada, 1953, pp 152-155 Loewen, Abram J., and Friesen, Abram, Die Flucht ueber den Amur, Echo-Verlag, Rosthem and Steinbach, Canada, 1946, pp 5-55. This account is the principal basis for the story as presented here 206 Loewen, Harry, Flight Across the River, Chapter 29 in No Permanent City, Herald Press, Waterloo, Canada, and Scottdale, USA, 1993, pp 134-138 Martens, Wilfred, River of Glass, Herald Press, Scottdale, USA, 1 980 Mennonite Encyclopedia Mennonite Historical Atlas, pp 66, 67, 139 Wiens, Fr ,,Blumenort, Amurgebiet, Letter, Unser Blatt, January 1928, p 91 Background Information: Map: Amur Mennonite Colonies including Escape Route Map: Escape over the Amur to Harbin 207 208 Amur Mennonite Colonies including Escape Route 209 Escape over the Amur to Harbin 30. THE PURGE THE GREAT TERROR OF 1936-1938 Joseph Stalin had apparently become dissatisfied with the brutality of Genrikh G. Yagoda, so on September 26, 1936 he appointed Nicholas I. Yezhov to be the People’s Commissar of Internal Affairs. His job as head of the NKVD was to end all real opposition to the Communist Party, all potential opposition to the Party, and of course all possible threats to Stalin himself. He was known to lack all moral qualities, was cruel and uncompromising. Pravda called him the “nation’s favourite,” and claimed that he had a will of iron and exceptional intelligence. Victims of “The Purge” which Yezhov unleashed included party functionaries - seventeen of them being tried in early 1 937, charged with collaborating with Germany and Japan. The Red Army was decimated by many arrests, calling into question the potential effectiveness as a fighting force. Despite the high profile given to these victims, the real tragedy involved millions of ordinary, totally innocent Soviet citizens. Minority groups definitely were singled out for special treatment, especially religious groups. Within the context of the general purge, there were also special initiatives - for no apparent reason except that more arrests were demanded. In February, 1 938, Yezhov travelled to Kiev for an NKVD conference, and then ordered 30,000 more executions in Ukraine. It seems that files were kept on every one. When an order came in for 1 ,000 more imprisonments in an area, the officials simply called in the next 1 ,000 people on the list under virtually any pretext. They were quite precise, and insisted on following the proper order on the list, even if it meant a few return trips to ensure that the chosen person was arrested. Most Mennonite victims were arrested and sentenced under Article 58 of the Russian Criminal Code [Article 54 in Ukraine]. This law prohibited any propaganda or agitation, anything containing an appeal for the overthrow, subverting or weakening of Soviet power. Having considered emigration, any criticism of conditions in the USSR, or receiving letters from abroad were broadly interpreted as weakening the Soviet state. The specific number of arrests and executions which occurred between the autumn of 1936 and late 1938 is under some dispute. It is difficult to obtain accurate evidence since the current keeper of the archives is still basically the same organization that perpetrated the crimes in the first place. It is felt by many that there may have been about seven million arrests, with about one third being executed fairly promptly. Many of the others died within a few years in labour camps, most of starvation. Very few survived to return to their families. The overall percentage of persons arrested in all of the USSR was about 4.3%. Mennonites, being both a racial minority and a religious group had a rate double that, 8-9%. During the Purge 8,000 to 9,000 Mennonite men and a small number of women were arrested, with most occurring between June, 1937 and August, 1938. There was considerable variation in the number from place to place, for example in Kondratievka [Borissovo Settlement] 75 men [18%] were taken, often including fathers and sons, while in Rosengart [Chortitza Colony] only ten were taken [3.3%]. Sometimes other factors 210 played a role. It is likely that authorities were less brutal in the Rosengart area because it was part of a collective farm used as a model to display to foreigners who came to see the neighbouring dam and hydroelectric facilities. In the autumn of 1938 it became obvious to the government that the scale of repression was having a serious effect on the economy of the country. The collectivization of the early 1930s had concentrated on the agricultural system. While striking in all directions, the Purge was more seriously involving the industrial sector. November 17 the Soviet Central Committee ordered a slowdown in arrests. On December 8, 1938 it was announced that Y ezhov had, at his own request, been released from his position. It was said that he was arrested in 1939, and shot on February 4, 1940. Stalin was able to shift the official blame to his direct appointee, so that the Purge or the Great Terror was known as “The Time of Yezhov.” It is the human tragedy that one paranoid leader, and one ruthless follower, can impose so much suffering and death on so many in such a short time. The numbers are absolutely terrifying, but mean little without recognizing that each numeral represents a life, a family with wife and children, with untold pain and heartache. We will present a few stories of specific people who were victims in this dark period of human history. Sources: Huebert, H. T., Hierschau: An Example of Russian Mennonite Life, Springfield Publishers, Winnipeg, Canada, 1986, pp 309-310 Letkemann, Peter, Mennonite Victims of the ‘Great Terror, ' 1936-1938, Journal of Mennonite Studies, Volume 16, 1998, pp 33-58 Letkemann, Peter, Mennonites in the Soviet Inferno, Preservings, Number 13, December 1998, p 1 1 Toews, John B., Czars, Soviets and Mennonites, Faith and Life Press, Newton, USA, 1982 pp 163-176 Toews, John B., Journeys: Mennonite Stories of Faith and Survival in Stalin 's Russia, Kindred Productions, Winnipeg, Canada and Hillsboro, USA, 1998, pp 9-10 Background Information: Joseph Vissarionovich Djugashvili Nikolai Loewen Franz Teichrieb Nikolai Huebert Map: Dnepropetrovsk Oblast Map: Central Crimea Map: USSR 211 “You were always a great friend of mine, Joseph” JOSEPH VISSARIONOVICH DJUGASHVILI [1879- 1953] In 1913 he adopted the name “Stalin” meaning “man of steel” This cartoon by Herblock appeared in the Winnipeg Free Press on March 7, 1953, and likely in many other papers that same day. It was chosen as cartoon of the year by Time Magazine. 212 NIKOLAI LOEWEN [1910- 1937?] Nikolai Loewen had begun training as a veterinarian, was unable to complete his education, but had enough knowledge to work in this field. He practiced in Friedensfeld [a village near Nikopol] and the surrounding villages as well as in the local collective farm. Nikolai and his wife Anna lived in the middle of Friedensfeld with their three young children, Harry, Hans and the infant Helen. There were some ominous clouds on the horizon. Nikolai's father, Johann Loewen, had been arrested in June of 1937, and imprisoned in Nikopol. He had been tortured and forced to sign a confession that he had destroyed vineyards and orchards on the collective farm. Even more unsettling was the rumour that Nikolai had heard that his own wife Anna was on the list for arrest. He had come home crying one day because of this fear. Late one night in mid September the family was rudely awakened by loud knocking. Anna whispered to Nikolai “Now they have come to get you.” They got up, dressed and lit a lamp. Nikolai went to open the door. Two NKVD officers in plain clothes came in and searched drawers for letters and other documents. They told Nikolai to get ready to go with them. Anna cried, pleading that her husband, the father of three young children, should not be taken. One of the officers sneered “Don’t cry so much, your husband will soon come back”. Anna, courage aroused, snapped “Don’t give me that! You know he will never come back. I will never see him again!” Nikolai was led away between the two NKVD officers. Anna, still crying, rushed after him with his overshoes. “Kolya,” she wept, “You’ve forgotten your galoshes \”[Kolya is the Russian abbreviation for Nikolai]. Nikolai turned, went back to his wife and embraced her one last time. He went to the bed of his oldest son, the six year old Harry, put a hand on his head and said “Harry, I may not see you again. Be good to mother and help her as much as you can.” Then he went with his captors. The motor of the “black raven” car started, and they were off. For the next few weeks Anna visited Nikolai and his father Johann in the prison in Nikopol. She brought them food, and hoped to hear news about what might happen to them. Nikolai was also tortured and forced to sign papers documenting trumped up charges. As a veterinarian he was accused of having poisoned cattle on the collective farm. After three or four weeks both Nikolai and his father were moved - either to the far north or Siberia, or to the place of execution. Neither were heard from again. The family was later informed that Nikolai had died in 1940, although the strong suspicion is that he was executed long before that. Altogether 28 men were arrested in Friedensfeld in 1937, another 10 in 1938; this represented almost all of the able bodied Mennonite men of the village. Sources: Dorfbericht, Friedensfeld, Der Reichsminister fuer die besetzten Ostgebiete, abgefasst den Monat August 1942 Loewen, Harry, 'Can the Son Answer for the Father? ’ Reflections on the Stalinist Terror, Journal of Mennonite Studies, Volume 16, 1998, pp 76-90 Loewen, Harry, Personal Interview Toews, A., A., Mennonitische Maertyrer, Volume 2, 1954, Article written by Helene Loewen, Johann Loewen, pp 121-123 213 FRANZ TEICHRIEB [1895 - 1940?] Franz Teichrieb with his wife Susanna, and children Elvira, Arnold, Anneliese and Gerhard lived in the village of Spat, Crimea. Franz taught geometry and cabinet making in the local high school, but when the collective farm needed his skills, his services were transferred there. There was no active church in Spat, there were no Bible studies. Once Franz and his wife sat in their house and sang the old gospel songs. He had really enjoyed that. It was November 24, 1936. The first snow had fallen; it was a beautiful evening. Franz suggested to his wife “lets go visit Tante Gretchen, "who lived at the other end of the village. Franz’s mother, Mrs. Elisabeth Wall, watched the children, while he and Susanna walked to their destination. No sooner were they gone when a policeman came to the door asking for Franz. He was told that the couple had gone for a visit. The policeman came back in half an hour, this time with a German shepherd police dog. Franz was still not at home. Would the Teichriebs be drinking, Mrs. Wall was asked. No, she said, but since they were staying such a long time they were obviously having a good time. Finally returning home, Franz wanted to stop in at his cabinet shop to check his tools, but the police saw him on the street, and told him not to bother. This time there were two policemen. They escorted Franz into the house and told him to put his hands up. The whole family had to sit around the table while the police searched the house. They found a picture of Elvira as a small girl, but after some pleading, left it with the family. They told Susanna to get Franz some warm clothing, blankets and a pillow. Then, by this time about 1 1 PM, Franz was ordered to go with the two policemen. Susanna cried. Franz said goodby, that the family should be brave and not worry. When Franz and the policemen were gone the family moved all their beds together - feeling slight comfort with the close company. Franz was taken to a prison in Simferopol. The crimes he was accused of were singing religious songs and receiving mail from Canada. Susanna went to visit him periodically, usually taking along food, with leaves of the Bible tucked in. The eldest daughter, Elvira, went along on one occasion. They were in the same room, but there were two tables between them, and a policeman watching at all times. Then Franz told his wife that he would likely be sent away fairly soon, and this would be by train. He had written a number of letters to the family which he was unable to give them. He The Teichrieb Family in 1932 or 1933 214 would pack them into a box, and throw them off the train at a certain bend of the railroad track near Spat. Imprisonment in Simferopol continued for about one year, then the inevitable occurred, and Franz was sent away, presumably to the far north or to Siberia. Elvira and a friend were sent to search the track around the designated area and actually found the box of letters! Susanna and her family carefully read each line that Franz had written. He was worried about how he and the family would manage the five year separation [presumably he had received a five year sentence for his crimes against the state]. He asked Susanna to greet their relatives, for Elvira to help her mother. He encouraged Susanna to bring up the children in the fear of the Lord. The family knew no new address, so it was impossible to communicate. 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